Decades of official discrimination have turned Malaysia's ethnic Indians into a disgruntled underclass
Multiracial malaysia has three heritages to celebrate: Malay, Chinese and Indian. In the Bujang Valley in northern Kedah state, Malaysia's Indian roots are visible. An ancient kingdom existed there, of Hindu and Buddhist beliefs, dating back to the 4th century. It was a trading and migration port, within sailing distance of India, and it eventually became part of Sumatra's mighty Sriwijaya Empire. Since the site was rediscovered by explorers in the 1930s, more than 50 temple ruins have been excavated in the valley, making it Malaysia's richest archaeological treasure trove.
But an Indian Malaysian visiting the Bujang Valley might come away feeling demeaned rather than proud—and that would be no accident. The government has spruced up some ruins and built a museum beside them to showcase Bujang's archaeological finds. The ochre ruins are classically Indian in design, neat, dull—and there is nothing to tell the visitor how grand the originals may have been. The museum has Buddhist and Hindu statues behind glass—cows, Ganeshas, lingams—but the official literature does its best to downplay, even denigrate, the Indian impact on the region. A board on the museum wall describes an "old Malay kingdom" in the Bujang Valley that had "contact with various people of different cultural origins and environments." The museum's brochure is even more explicit. It states that maritime trade led to the "indianization" of the Bujang Valley. The indigenous culture, it says "was eventually adulterated."
If that sounds like a wan cheer for Malaysia's Indian heritage, it's a sentiment familiar to most of the country's 1.8 million people of Indian descent. Affirmative action-type quotas for the Malay population, along with a political system controlled by the Malays and Chinese, make many Indian Malaysians feel like third-class citizens. The result is an increasingly aggrieved population, and a timid one, that isn't very happy about its place in society. "I'm not sure I can see a future in this country for my children," says an Indian-Malaysian businesswoman in Kuala Lumpur who asks not to be named. "We'll give it another few years. If things have not improved, we'll leave for Europe."
Race is the big divide in Malaysia, as it has been ever since the watershed race riots of 1969. In his 20 years in power, Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad has tried to uplift the Malays, who make up 55% of the 22 million population, and guarantee them a large percentage of available business opportunities. The second-largest group, the Chinese, were supposed to lose their disproportionate grip on the country's economy. But it may be the Indians who were the real losers. Most were imported a century ago to work the rubber plantations and tin mines, and they still dominate the bottom rungs of the social ladder. "Indians have neither the political nor the economic leverage to break out of their vicious cycle of poverty," says Selvakumaran Ramachandran, an Indian-Malaysian academic who works for the United Nations Development Program. "If their problems are not arrested and reversed, it is almost certain they will emerge as an underclass."
Already, Indians have the lowest share of the nation's corporate wealth: 1.5%, compared to 19.4% for the Malays and 38.5% for the Chinese. Not surprisingly, Indians claim the highest rate of suicide of any community. Violent crime is becoming Indian turf. In 1994, 128 of the 377 murders committed in Malaysia were by Indians. Some 15% of the Indians in the capital are squatters. "I have a feeling," says P. Ramasamy, a political science professor at the National University, "that if something is not done soon, something is going to really blow."
The Indians' main problem is numerical. With only 8% of the country's population, they don't have enough clout to alter pro-Malay business or employment policies, or even stand up to Malay chauvinism of the sort exhibited at the Bujang Valley museum. The Chinese community has a slew of ambitious political leaders. The Indian community's politics are dominated by the Malaysian Indian Congress (mic) and its leader of more than two decades, S. Samy Vellu, who happens to be the only Indian in Mahathir's cabinet.
When the government wants to dispense largesse to the Indian community, it usually does so through Samy Vellu, as a recent scene at mic headquarters demonstrated. Indian parents and their children came to hear Samy Vellu describe a new government scheme for student loans. It was a "very special allocation" made through the generosity of the Prime Minister and the Education Minister, he said. To qualify, families had to earn less than $5,300 a year. A young Indian woman in the crowd admitted that her father made more than the stipulated amount. "Can I still apply?" she asked. "Don't worry," Samy Vellu assured her. "Come see me afterwards and I will make sure you can get it." Obviously impressed with the minister's magnanimity, the crowd of 500 applauded warmly. "Whatever we get," says a senior Indian journalist, "we can get only through the mic. That's how the system works."
One area in which Indians have prospered is the professions, particularly medicine and law, and Indian names stud the rolls of professional societies. Many of this group hail from white-collar families who worked in Malaysia when it was a British colony. Yet even with that background, an Indian Malaysian can find it difficult to become a doctor or lawyer. Local university seats and scholarships to study overseas are all awarded by a racial quota system. Even when someone gets a degree, discrimination is frequent. Indian doctors, for instance, complain that they are increasingly excluded from the lists of approved doctors whom civil servants or company employees can use. "I wish you Americans would invade—just for a while," a small-town Indian doctor tells a visitor. "Then I would have a fairer chance of working in this country of ours."
So far, Indians have resigned themselves to their plight. But some rumbles are being heard. Last October, five Malaysian men were attacked and killed one night in the town of Kampar, 150 km north of Kuala Lumpur. Their charred remains were found in a torched pickup truck. The police arrested 13 cattle ranchers of Indian descent. The ranchers had complained for two years of people poaching their cows, but apparently the local police had done nothing to help. The 13 ranchers have yet to be tried, and poaching has reportedly ceased in that area. The defendants are quietly regarded as heroes among the Indian community. "Malaysia cannot afford to have about 8% of its population feel alienated," warns R.V. Navaratnam, a prominent businessman. "Malaysian unity can be as strong only as its weakest link—which is the Malaysian Indian community."
By Anthony Spaeth - Time.com
Showing posts with label Hinduism in Malaysia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Hinduism in Malaysia. Show all posts
Saturday, October 09, 2010
Why Malacca, not Srivijaya?
A majority of Malays are content to look only as far as the Sultanate of Malacca in the 15th and the 16th century, apparently accepting the era as the golden age of ancient, classical or medieval Malay civilization. Thanks to the education I received through the Malaysian system, I had the same perception too and I do think even Malaysians as a society in one way or another accept Malacca was the greatest civilization in ancient, classical or medieval Malaysian history. My love for history has allowed me to delve far beyond Malaysian textbooks. While Malacca was a great empire, a greater civilization was Srivijaya, an empire that was almost forgotten. I truly believe that Srivijaya was that brilliant light that stayed bright from nearly a millennium. Malacca was a just spark, though brilliant as it may be.
The Malaysian education system fails to give Srivijaya the respect it deserves. So many Malaysian textbook pages concentrate on Malacca and successive minor Malay states but ignored that one large Malay empire that spanned from the Isthmus of Kra all the way down to Central Java and, at one point in time, even the banks of the Mekong. Admittedly, Srivijayan border was porous unlike modern states but its sphere of influence was far wider than that of Malacca or even of Malaysia.
Perhaps part of the reason why the Malays stress so much on Malacca is the fact that so little information is known about Malay history earlier than the 14th century. Relatively modern Malays have been so ingrained with the notion that their history starts with Malacca. That misconception pushes Srivijaya into that one book in a section of a library that nobody goes to.
Srivijaya, despite its status, was only discovered by historians in the early 20th century. The reason why it was so easy to overlook Srivijaya’s existence is the material used for Srivijayan architecture; many of Srivijayan structures were made out of wood. In harsh tropical climate, wood would not last for too long, definitely not for one thousand years. Malacca itself did not leave too much behind to be marveled at by tourists and so, one could not hope too much for Srivijaya. The rain and the sun conspired to erase a chapter of a history book, hushing Srivijaya from history to myth to total obscurity.
That does not mean Srivijaya failed to leave its mark in history. The Sailendra, under the auspice of the Srivijayan Emperor Samaratunga, constructed the Borobudur which still stands today in the middle of Java. But even that monument was only rediscovered in the 19th century by Stamford Raffles. As for the Sailendra, the East Javanese pushed them out of central Java, causing the Srivijayan ally to migrate to the west and built a new hope under the protection of Srivijaya. The royal court of Sailendra was finally eliminated by Srivijayan Emperor Culamanivarmadeva after the Sailendra betrayed the emperor. That act led to the loss to Srivijayan capital, Palembang, to the East Javanese in the early 11th century. Palembang was reconquered by Culamanivarmadeva but by that time, Srivijaya had gone over its hill. It was dusk time.
Notice the names? Yes. The Malays were Hindus then. And Buddhists, and animists, despite whatever the religious conservatives might assert, despite how our history is being rewritten by those that have no respect for truth.
The Sultanate of Malacca itself was founded by an heir to the Srivijayan throne. The struggle between the Malays and the Javanese continued well into the 14th century and sometimes by the late 1300s, Parameswara, a Malay Srivijaya prince, fled Sumatra when Majapahit finally crushed the last remnant of a Malay empire that started humbly by the Musi River.
In a way, Malacca was the successor of the glorious Srivijaya. If Malacca could be seen as a sultanate that later led to Malaya and Malaysia, then Srivijaya could be seen as such as well.
While I was in Bangkok, I visited some of the museums there. It is truly sad to find out that the Thais are more appreciative of the Malay empire than the Malays and Malaysians in Malaysia themselves. Perhaps, that could be explained by the presence of Srivijayan temples, biaras, in Thailand, reminding the Thais of an empire long ago. In Malaysia, almost nothing.
Almost nothing but the Bujang Valley which was under the control of Old Kedah, a state within the realm of Srivijaya. Is it not odd that Bujang Valley, itself being far richer in historical terms, has been outshone by relatively young ruins (if it could be called as such) of Malacca?
Something must explain this bias that sides with Malacca. Could it be religion?
The Malaysian education system fails to give Srivijaya the respect it deserves. So many Malaysian textbook pages concentrate on Malacca and successive minor Malay states but ignored that one large Malay empire that spanned from the Isthmus of Kra all the way down to Central Java and, at one point in time, even the banks of the Mekong. Admittedly, Srivijayan border was porous unlike modern states but its sphere of influence was far wider than that of Malacca or even of Malaysia.
Perhaps part of the reason why the Malays stress so much on Malacca is the fact that so little information is known about Malay history earlier than the 14th century. Relatively modern Malays have been so ingrained with the notion that their history starts with Malacca. That misconception pushes Srivijaya into that one book in a section of a library that nobody goes to.
Srivijaya, despite its status, was only discovered by historians in the early 20th century. The reason why it was so easy to overlook Srivijaya’s existence is the material used for Srivijayan architecture; many of Srivijayan structures were made out of wood. In harsh tropical climate, wood would not last for too long, definitely not for one thousand years. Malacca itself did not leave too much behind to be marveled at by tourists and so, one could not hope too much for Srivijaya. The rain and the sun conspired to erase a chapter of a history book, hushing Srivijaya from history to myth to total obscurity.
That does not mean Srivijaya failed to leave its mark in history. The Sailendra, under the auspice of the Srivijayan Emperor Samaratunga, constructed the Borobudur which still stands today in the middle of Java. But even that monument was only rediscovered in the 19th century by Stamford Raffles. As for the Sailendra, the East Javanese pushed them out of central Java, causing the Srivijayan ally to migrate to the west and built a new hope under the protection of Srivijaya. The royal court of Sailendra was finally eliminated by Srivijayan Emperor Culamanivarmadeva after the Sailendra betrayed the emperor. That act led to the loss to Srivijayan capital, Palembang, to the East Javanese in the early 11th century. Palembang was reconquered by Culamanivarmadeva but by that time, Srivijaya had gone over its hill. It was dusk time.
Notice the names? Yes. The Malays were Hindus then. And Buddhists, and animists, despite whatever the religious conservatives might assert, despite how our history is being rewritten by those that have no respect for truth.
The Sultanate of Malacca itself was founded by an heir to the Srivijayan throne. The struggle between the Malays and the Javanese continued well into the 14th century and sometimes by the late 1300s, Parameswara, a Malay Srivijaya prince, fled Sumatra when Majapahit finally crushed the last remnant of a Malay empire that started humbly by the Musi River.
In a way, Malacca was the successor of the glorious Srivijaya. If Malacca could be seen as a sultanate that later led to Malaya and Malaysia, then Srivijaya could be seen as such as well.
While I was in Bangkok, I visited some of the museums there. It is truly sad to find out that the Thais are more appreciative of the Malay empire than the Malays and Malaysians in Malaysia themselves. Perhaps, that could be explained by the presence of Srivijayan temples, biaras, in Thailand, reminding the Thais of an empire long ago. In Malaysia, almost nothing.
Almost nothing but the Bujang Valley which was under the control of Old Kedah, a state within the realm of Srivijaya. Is it not odd that Bujang Valley, itself being far richer in historical terms, has been outshone by relatively young ruins (if it could be called as such) of Malacca?
Something must explain this bias that sides with Malacca. Could it be religion?
Sunday, July 25, 2010
A Tale of Two Temples
While meandering about in downtown Saigon recently I chanced upon the Sri Mariaman temple close to Ben Thanh market. It was an interesting visit to say the least, for the riotous colour of the temple were matched by the riotous conjunction of many faiths that had come together in that singular enclosed and sacred space.
The reasons for this are obvious to those familiar with Vietnam’s recent history: In 1975 when Saigon finally fell to the triumphant North Vietnamese Army and Viet Cong, practically all the foreigners and migrant residents had made a bee line for the dock. The temples, churches and mosques of Saigon – thenafter renamed Ho Chi Minh city – were left vacant and the devotees wondered if they would be allowed to remain standing at all after their departure. At the height of the Cold War the Vietnamese Communists were seen as a rather uncompromising, tiresomely dogmatic, no-fun bloodthirsty lot and many had assumed that the religious texts would be recycled as toilet paper (as the Khmer Rouge treated the Bibles and Qurans that fell into their hands later) and that the sacred sites would be desacralised in the most outlandish manner.
But what followed next was a surprise to many: They, the dreaded Commies, not only allowed the religious buildings to remain, but they also made use of them in a host of imaginative ways. Many of the churches and mosques were restored and preserved, and some were turned into schools or clinics. Not a stone was touched, save by the restorer’s paint brush.
Today the Sri Mariaman temple in central Saigon has once again become a religious site for many, but ironically most of the devotees happen to be Buddhists and Taoists, not Hindu – for there are scarcely a dozen Hindus left in the city. So I sat and watched as mothers and aunts, grannies and grand-kids perambulated around the precinct of the temple, offering their prayers and sending up their hopes and wishes to the Gods of the Himalayas on a cloud of incense smoke. The Hindu priests are still there, though one wonders what they make of it all, with Buddhists and Taoists coming to offer prayers and light joss-sticks before the many avatars of Lakshmi, Durga, Kali and Krishna. If human beings have proven their intolerance time and again, at least the Gods seem more kindly and benevolent to entertain the vainest of wishes even from strangers.
Hop of the next cheapo flight and find yourself here in multi-culti Malaysia, just in time to see the bulldozers smash through another Sri Mariaman temple in Selangor. It was a double blow to me to return to KL in transit to hear the news that not one, but two, Hindu temples had just been flattened on the same day by our endearing developers in the vicinity of Shah Alam. Even less heart-warming were the accounts of the devotees of the temple who were manhandled and forcibly marched out before the hammers came down, some at gun point. If nefarious Commie Vietnam can protect their temples, why can’t we ‘plural, multicultural, multiflavoured’ Malaysians extend the same comfort and protection to our fellow Malaysians too?
Of course there will be the nay-sayers who will point me to the legal fine print and remind me of the legally dubious status of some of these temples. Then there will be those who will insist that this is an Indian-Hindu issue which I should not stick my nose in (even though the issue is a Malaysian one as these are Malaysian temples being destroyed on Malaysian territory and Malaysians are affected). Then there will be the gung-ho testosterone-driven macho types who will yelp and whinge about Malay identity being the paramount defining factor that defines what being Malaysian is, etc. etc.
But prattle and legalese notwithstanding, the bottom line is this: These happen to be Malaysian temples built on Malaysian soil with Malaysian devotees and the Malaysian government is presiding over their systematic and calculated destruction, one by one. One shudders at the thought of the long-term global repercussions of this campaign, for already recorded footage of these temple demolitions are being transmitted to websites all over the globe and the issue taken up by Hindu conservatives in India.
Nor are the parallels being drawn an attractive one: If the Taliban could have leveled the Bamiyan statues of Buddha with a flick of the trigger-finger (to be followed by the mass slaughter of goats and cows all over the benighted land, which did not make it to the headlines); then what is happening in our plural wonderland called Malaysia? How are we to hold our heads up high and invite the world to visit our wonderfully diverse and colourful country when the very same landscape is being flattened in a rather indecorous way at the same time? Taliban, Wot? Here? Blimey!
The tragedy of course is that the deliberate reconstruction of Malaysia’s urban landscape is being done in broad daylight under the flag of a nebulous formulae of ‘moderate Islam’ that is said by some hopefuls to be the last chance to save the pluralist spirit of the country. However one finds it hard to accept such talk of mutual love and inter-communal cuddlyness when the bulldozers parked outside don’t look all that cuddly. Nor do the cops with their tear gas canisters and batons. Or the Orcish horde of construction (or should we say destruction) workers with mallets and hammers slung precariously over their shoulders, ready to rock and roll. Looking back at the fate of the two Sri Mariaman temples, the question remains: Who were the ones who protected the rights of the religious minorities better? The Godless Commies or the faithful Malaysians? These are the times when I am not proud to admit that I am a Malaysian, I have to say.
by Farish A. Noor
The reasons for this are obvious to those familiar with Vietnam’s recent history: In 1975 when Saigon finally fell to the triumphant North Vietnamese Army and Viet Cong, practically all the foreigners and migrant residents had made a bee line for the dock. The temples, churches and mosques of Saigon – thenafter renamed Ho Chi Minh city – were left vacant and the devotees wondered if they would be allowed to remain standing at all after their departure. At the height of the Cold War the Vietnamese Communists were seen as a rather uncompromising, tiresomely dogmatic, no-fun bloodthirsty lot and many had assumed that the religious texts would be recycled as toilet paper (as the Khmer Rouge treated the Bibles and Qurans that fell into their hands later) and that the sacred sites would be desacralised in the most outlandish manner.
But what followed next was a surprise to many: They, the dreaded Commies, not only allowed the religious buildings to remain, but they also made use of them in a host of imaginative ways. Many of the churches and mosques were restored and preserved, and some were turned into schools or clinics. Not a stone was touched, save by the restorer’s paint brush.
Today the Sri Mariaman temple in central Saigon has once again become a religious site for many, but ironically most of the devotees happen to be Buddhists and Taoists, not Hindu – for there are scarcely a dozen Hindus left in the city. So I sat and watched as mothers and aunts, grannies and grand-kids perambulated around the precinct of the temple, offering their prayers and sending up their hopes and wishes to the Gods of the Himalayas on a cloud of incense smoke. The Hindu priests are still there, though one wonders what they make of it all, with Buddhists and Taoists coming to offer prayers and light joss-sticks before the many avatars of Lakshmi, Durga, Kali and Krishna. If human beings have proven their intolerance time and again, at least the Gods seem more kindly and benevolent to entertain the vainest of wishes even from strangers.
Hop of the next cheapo flight and find yourself here in multi-culti Malaysia, just in time to see the bulldozers smash through another Sri Mariaman temple in Selangor. It was a double blow to me to return to KL in transit to hear the news that not one, but two, Hindu temples had just been flattened on the same day by our endearing developers in the vicinity of Shah Alam. Even less heart-warming were the accounts of the devotees of the temple who were manhandled and forcibly marched out before the hammers came down, some at gun point. If nefarious Commie Vietnam can protect their temples, why can’t we ‘plural, multicultural, multiflavoured’ Malaysians extend the same comfort and protection to our fellow Malaysians too?
Of course there will be the nay-sayers who will point me to the legal fine print and remind me of the legally dubious status of some of these temples. Then there will be those who will insist that this is an Indian-Hindu issue which I should not stick my nose in (even though the issue is a Malaysian one as these are Malaysian temples being destroyed on Malaysian territory and Malaysians are affected). Then there will be the gung-ho testosterone-driven macho types who will yelp and whinge about Malay identity being the paramount defining factor that defines what being Malaysian is, etc. etc.
But prattle and legalese notwithstanding, the bottom line is this: These happen to be Malaysian temples built on Malaysian soil with Malaysian devotees and the Malaysian government is presiding over their systematic and calculated destruction, one by one. One shudders at the thought of the long-term global repercussions of this campaign, for already recorded footage of these temple demolitions are being transmitted to websites all over the globe and the issue taken up by Hindu conservatives in India.
Nor are the parallels being drawn an attractive one: If the Taliban could have leveled the Bamiyan statues of Buddha with a flick of the trigger-finger (to be followed by the mass slaughter of goats and cows all over the benighted land, which did not make it to the headlines); then what is happening in our plural wonderland called Malaysia? How are we to hold our heads up high and invite the world to visit our wonderfully diverse and colourful country when the very same landscape is being flattened in a rather indecorous way at the same time? Taliban, Wot? Here? Blimey!
The tragedy of course is that the deliberate reconstruction of Malaysia’s urban landscape is being done in broad daylight under the flag of a nebulous formulae of ‘moderate Islam’ that is said by some hopefuls to be the last chance to save the pluralist spirit of the country. However one finds it hard to accept such talk of mutual love and inter-communal cuddlyness when the bulldozers parked outside don’t look all that cuddly. Nor do the cops with their tear gas canisters and batons. Or the Orcish horde of construction (or should we say destruction) workers with mallets and hammers slung precariously over their shoulders, ready to rock and roll. Looking back at the fate of the two Sri Mariaman temples, the question remains: Who were the ones who protected the rights of the religious minorities better? The Godless Commies or the faithful Malaysians? These are the times when I am not proud to admit that I am a Malaysian, I have to say.
by Farish A. Noor
Monday, September 07, 2009
UMNO Dalang sebenar isu Kuil Shah Alam
Ahli Parlimen Shah Alam Khalid Samad menyanggah dakwaan Naib Presiden UMNO, Datuk Seri Hishamuddin Tun Hussien bahawa Pakatan Rakyat gagal menjalankan tugas berikutan isu insiden membabitkan pemindahan kuil di Seksyen 23 Shah Alam.
Khalid ketika dihubungi oleh TV Antara berkata, tanggungjawab kerajaan negeri telah dilaksanakan dengan sebaiknya lalu mengadakan dialogsupaya penduduk Seksyen 23 dapat mengutarakan sebarang permasalahandengan lebih jelas.
"Kita telah menjalankan tugas untuk mengadakan dialog. Itu tanggungjawab kita tetapi bila mereka-mereka yang menjadi penimbul masalah semamsa dialog itu, adalah orang-orang yang sama yang mengarakkan kepala lembu dab oleh kerana mereka tidak dikenakan sebarang tindakan, dan Hishamuddin sendiri menyatakan sokongan tindakan biadap mereka itu, maka itulah yang menyebabkan dialog itu tidak dapat berjalan dengan baik," ujarnya.
Katanya lagi, sokongan yang diberikan oleh Hishamuddin sekali gus memarakkan lagi semangat anti perkauman sehingga menimbulkan kekecohan pada sesi dialog yang berlangsung dalam Ramadhan yang mulia.
"Kegagalannya adalah daripada pihak kerajaan pusat yang memberikan pelindungan dan pembelaan serta sokongan dan dokongan kepada golongan pelampau yang diberikan kebebasan untuk bertindak sesuka hati," katanya lagi.
Malah dalam nada tegas Khalid berkata, tiada seorang pun ahli PAS atau Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) yang terlibat dalam siri kekecohan yang berlangsung diSeksyen 23 shah Alam dan pada sesi dialog di Dewan Bankuet Majlis Bandaraya Shah Alam (MBSA).
Namun katanya lagi, sekiranya terdapat ahli PAS mahu pun PKR yang turut serta dalam insiden yang memalukan itu, pihaknya tidak teragak-agak untuk menyingkirkan mereka sebagai ahli parti lantaran tindakan yang bercanggah itu.
"Berhubung dengan ahli PAS dan PKR, setakat mana yang kita lihat semua yang bercakap pada hari yang berkenaan adalah orang UMNO. Tak ada seorang pun yang ahli PAS. Walaupun mereka mengakui mereka dari PAS, PKR dan sebagainya tetapi pengakuan itu hanya sekadar pengakuan dan tidak ada satu perkara yang terbukti," tambah beliau lagi.
Beliau menambah, sekiranya pakatan pembangkang tidak pernah berkompromi terhadap kebiadapan sedemikian rupa, mengapa tidak UMNO juga mengambil tindakan yang sama terhadap ahli mereka yang terlibat.
"Sekiranya ada orang PAS atau PKR sekalipun, kalau mereka buktikan keahlian mereka, maka kita akan ambil tindakan untuk memecat mereka kerana tindakan mereka bercanggah dengan dasar-dasar dan nilai yang dibawa oleh parti dan sekiranya UMNO sendiri benar dengan sikap mereka menolak ekstrimisme, maka mereka seharusnya mengambil tindakan yang sama," tegas Khalid.
Ujarnya lagi, pihaknya tetap berpendirian kekecohan yang berlaku berpunca dari mainan UMNO.
"Mereka cakap itu hanya untuk menutup hakikat bahawa, ianya sebenarnya memang ditaja oleh UMNO Barisan Nasional. Hakikat ini terbukti dengan campur tangan Noh Omar dan sokongannya yang ditunjukkan oleh Hishamuddin," katanya.
Dalam satu perkembangan yang lain, ADUN Kota Damansara, Dr Nasir Hashim turut mempunyai pandangannya yang tersendiri berkenaan dengan isu kuil.
"Soalnya ini bulan puasa, kedua itu kita cerita pasal 1 Malaysia, semenjak sebut I Malaysia, semenjak pilihanraya 2008, isu kaum dibangkit-bangkitkan dan gayanya secara langsung dan tidak langsung seolah-olah itu sahaj modal yang ada. Tidak ada jalan lain sebenarnya. Mungkin dulu isu kaum itu orang sudah memberontak tapi kita lihat orang dan kumpulan tertentu yang hangat sangat," ujar Nasir.
Nasir juga berkata, setelah lebih 50 tahun negara kita mencapai kemerdekaan, sepatutnya kerajaan bersikap waras dan matang dalam menangani isu perkauman.
Beliau berkata demikian setelah mendengar 16 Hindraf ditahan dalam upacara nyalaan lilin di ibu negara baru-baru ini.
"Yang baru-baru ini Hindraf kena tahan, bawa bunga dan sebagainya, yang satu lagi bawa kepala lembu yang merupakan simbol kepada kepada kaum India, dipijak dan dilidah, tidak satu pun yang kena tahan. Polislembab dan nampak sangat seolah-olah kalau isu kaum ini berlaku, BN boleh dapat balik 5 negeri termasuk wilayah. Itu harapan mereka. Di mana 1 Malaysia? 1 Malaysia itu hanya omong-omong kosong sahaja.
Benda itu satu hipokrasi," ujarnya beliau.
Majlis dialog yang berlangsung pada 5 September lalu bertujuan memberipenerangan dan mengumpul maklum balas berhubung cadangan kerajaan negeri memindahkan kuil Hindu berusia lebih 100 tahun dari Seksyen 19 ke Seksyen 23.
Penduduk di Sekysen 19 telah merungut sekian lama bahawa kuil itu terletak hanya kira-kira 20 meter daripada kawasan perumahan dan menimbulkan pelbagai kemusykilan.
Kerajaan Barisan Nasional,baik di Selangor mahupun di peringkat Persekutuan akur dengan rungutan itu tetapi tidak mengambil apa-apa tindakan untuk bertahun-tahun.
Setelah mengambil alih pemerintahan Selangor tahun lalu, Pakatan Rakyat mengemukakan cadangan untuk memindahkan kuil itu ke sebuah tapak industri di Seksyen 23 yang terletak kira-kira 200 meter daripada kawasan perumahan, dan bukan lagi 20 meter seperti di Sekysen 19.
Malangnya dialog itu "disabotaj" UMNO.
TV Antara
Khalid ketika dihubungi oleh TV Antara berkata, tanggungjawab kerajaan negeri telah dilaksanakan dengan sebaiknya lalu mengadakan dialogsupaya penduduk Seksyen 23 dapat mengutarakan sebarang permasalahandengan lebih jelas.
"Kita telah menjalankan tugas untuk mengadakan dialog. Itu tanggungjawab kita tetapi bila mereka-mereka yang menjadi penimbul masalah semamsa dialog itu, adalah orang-orang yang sama yang mengarakkan kepala lembu dab oleh kerana mereka tidak dikenakan sebarang tindakan, dan Hishamuddin sendiri menyatakan sokongan tindakan biadap mereka itu, maka itulah yang menyebabkan dialog itu tidak dapat berjalan dengan baik," ujarnya.
Katanya lagi, sokongan yang diberikan oleh Hishamuddin sekali gus memarakkan lagi semangat anti perkauman sehingga menimbulkan kekecohan pada sesi dialog yang berlangsung dalam Ramadhan yang mulia.
"Kegagalannya adalah daripada pihak kerajaan pusat yang memberikan pelindungan dan pembelaan serta sokongan dan dokongan kepada golongan pelampau yang diberikan kebebasan untuk bertindak sesuka hati," katanya lagi.
Malah dalam nada tegas Khalid berkata, tiada seorang pun ahli PAS atau Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) yang terlibat dalam siri kekecohan yang berlangsung diSeksyen 23 shah Alam dan pada sesi dialog di Dewan Bankuet Majlis Bandaraya Shah Alam (MBSA).
Namun katanya lagi, sekiranya terdapat ahli PAS mahu pun PKR yang turut serta dalam insiden yang memalukan itu, pihaknya tidak teragak-agak untuk menyingkirkan mereka sebagai ahli parti lantaran tindakan yang bercanggah itu.
"Berhubung dengan ahli PAS dan PKR, setakat mana yang kita lihat semua yang bercakap pada hari yang berkenaan adalah orang UMNO. Tak ada seorang pun yang ahli PAS. Walaupun mereka mengakui mereka dari PAS, PKR dan sebagainya tetapi pengakuan itu hanya sekadar pengakuan dan tidak ada satu perkara yang terbukti," tambah beliau lagi.
Beliau menambah, sekiranya pakatan pembangkang tidak pernah berkompromi terhadap kebiadapan sedemikian rupa, mengapa tidak UMNO juga mengambil tindakan yang sama terhadap ahli mereka yang terlibat.
"Sekiranya ada orang PAS atau PKR sekalipun, kalau mereka buktikan keahlian mereka, maka kita akan ambil tindakan untuk memecat mereka kerana tindakan mereka bercanggah dengan dasar-dasar dan nilai yang dibawa oleh parti dan sekiranya UMNO sendiri benar dengan sikap mereka menolak ekstrimisme, maka mereka seharusnya mengambil tindakan yang sama," tegas Khalid.
Ujarnya lagi, pihaknya tetap berpendirian kekecohan yang berlaku berpunca dari mainan UMNO.
"Mereka cakap itu hanya untuk menutup hakikat bahawa, ianya sebenarnya memang ditaja oleh UMNO Barisan Nasional. Hakikat ini terbukti dengan campur tangan Noh Omar dan sokongannya yang ditunjukkan oleh Hishamuddin," katanya.
Dalam satu perkembangan yang lain, ADUN Kota Damansara, Dr Nasir Hashim turut mempunyai pandangannya yang tersendiri berkenaan dengan isu kuil.
"Soalnya ini bulan puasa, kedua itu kita cerita pasal 1 Malaysia, semenjak sebut I Malaysia, semenjak pilihanraya 2008, isu kaum dibangkit-bangkitkan dan gayanya secara langsung dan tidak langsung seolah-olah itu sahaj modal yang ada. Tidak ada jalan lain sebenarnya. Mungkin dulu isu kaum itu orang sudah memberontak tapi kita lihat orang dan kumpulan tertentu yang hangat sangat," ujar Nasir.
Nasir juga berkata, setelah lebih 50 tahun negara kita mencapai kemerdekaan, sepatutnya kerajaan bersikap waras dan matang dalam menangani isu perkauman.
Beliau berkata demikian setelah mendengar 16 Hindraf ditahan dalam upacara nyalaan lilin di ibu negara baru-baru ini.
"Yang baru-baru ini Hindraf kena tahan, bawa bunga dan sebagainya, yang satu lagi bawa kepala lembu yang merupakan simbol kepada kepada kaum India, dipijak dan dilidah, tidak satu pun yang kena tahan. Polislembab dan nampak sangat seolah-olah kalau isu kaum ini berlaku, BN boleh dapat balik 5 negeri termasuk wilayah. Itu harapan mereka. Di mana 1 Malaysia? 1 Malaysia itu hanya omong-omong kosong sahaja.
Benda itu satu hipokrasi," ujarnya beliau.
Majlis dialog yang berlangsung pada 5 September lalu bertujuan memberipenerangan dan mengumpul maklum balas berhubung cadangan kerajaan negeri memindahkan kuil Hindu berusia lebih 100 tahun dari Seksyen 19 ke Seksyen 23.
Penduduk di Sekysen 19 telah merungut sekian lama bahawa kuil itu terletak hanya kira-kira 20 meter daripada kawasan perumahan dan menimbulkan pelbagai kemusykilan.
Kerajaan Barisan Nasional,baik di Selangor mahupun di peringkat Persekutuan akur dengan rungutan itu tetapi tidak mengambil apa-apa tindakan untuk bertahun-tahun.
Setelah mengambil alih pemerintahan Selangor tahun lalu, Pakatan Rakyat mengemukakan cadangan untuk memindahkan kuil itu ke sebuah tapak industri di Seksyen 23 yang terletak kira-kira 200 meter daripada kawasan perumahan, dan bukan lagi 20 meter seperti di Sekysen 19.
Malangnya dialog itu "disabotaj" UMNO.
TV Antara
No double standards on religion
MCCBCHST (Malaysian Consultative Council of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism & Taoism) notes with deep concern that the cowhead incident in Shah Alam is not an isolated case. Another recent example of this kind of insensitivity was when the Holy Eucharist was desecrated when certain persons went to a church, took the consecrated bread and spewed it out.
Such irreverent and sacrilegious conduct should not be condoned and allowed to be repeated with impunity. In seating the organisers of the recent demonstration in Shah Alam to his right and left during his press conference, the home affairs minister seemed to have bestowed honour to the perpetrators of a gravely offensive and dangerous event whereby seditious speeches accompanied by the stepping on the severed head of the cow were made. What signals would this send to the people?
Not surprisingly, therefore, the same disrespectful, unruly and unwilling to listen behaviour on the part of some rendered the town hall meeting between the Menteri Besar and Section 23 residents to discuss the issue on September 5 2009 unmanageable and unproductive.The same rules must apply to all.
MCCBCHST is concerned that wheareas in the August 28 2009 Shah Alam incident the police had stood by while the demonstrators desecrated the cow head and made seditious speeches, the police acted strongly against would-be candlelight vigilers in the vicinity of Dataran Merdeka on September 5 2009. Also, Malaysiakini has now been warned by MCMC (Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission) not to make the video showing the terrible acts in the Shah Alam incident available for viewing to their readers. Thinking Malaysians will rightly raise the question: Which comes first- the act or the video which exposes the act? How do we as a country go about resolving our problems? In this case, stopping the video of the act will not unmake the act. We must surely first prevent the act and the video would not have existed.
For the sake and good of all Malaysians and peace and order in Malaysia, consistent, fair, just and rational measures should be applied regardless of religion, ethnicity, culture, gender or political connection.
There must be one rule for all Malaysians.
All who incite ill feelings amongst religious communities, denigrate any religion, desecrate the religious symbols of any religion or threaten to commit violence against others must be promptly deterred and held accountable. They must face charges and given a fair trial in a court of law.
Sacrilegious acts committed by adherents of any one religion upon another religion must never be condoned. We hold to the principle that all human beings and communities have a sacred right of freedom of choice as far as their religious belief and practice is concerned.We stand with Malaysians of all religious and political persuasions who were outraged by the flagrant disregard for the sensitivities of others shown by the Shah Alam demonstrators.
We welcome the partnership of all Malaysians of goodwill. Together we can weather the mischief and bigotry of those who seek to drive a wedge between us and divide rather than unite the people of this land.
We Malaysians live in a pluralistic society and accordingly we must respect our neighbours and endeavour to learn about their beliefs, customs and sentiments. It is upon such understanding of others and what is dear to them that our nation can be firmly rooted and grow strong and united.
The way to manage our differences is not by creating enclaves whereby Malaysians will be segregated and separated from one another but through understanding and respect. Let us live together next to one another rather than to live apart. Each succeeding generation of Malaysians should grow closer rather than to be pulled apart.
The site chosen in Section 23 of Shah Alam for the Hindu temple to be relocated to complies with local government conditions. It is over 300 meters away from any housing area, six times more than the 50-meter requirement. If the authorities accept the objection to it by certain quarters, the social dynamics of Malaysian life will be affected and the consequence on national integration will be very serious indeed.
We must not subscribe to the view of thinking about Malaysians as majorities and minorities, and majorities versus minorities.
MCCBCHST therefore calls upon all Malaysians of goodwill to be in earnest prayer for the peaceful and just resolution of the issue. Those in authority at the community, religious and governmental level must be firm to unequivocally reject unreasonable, unfair and anti-social behaviour and demand.
Rev. Dr Thomas Philips
MCCBCHST President
Petaling Jaya
Such irreverent and sacrilegious conduct should not be condoned and allowed to be repeated with impunity. In seating the organisers of the recent demonstration in Shah Alam to his right and left during his press conference, the home affairs minister seemed to have bestowed honour to the perpetrators of a gravely offensive and dangerous event whereby seditious speeches accompanied by the stepping on the severed head of the cow were made. What signals would this send to the people?
Not surprisingly, therefore, the same disrespectful, unruly and unwilling to listen behaviour on the part of some rendered the town hall meeting between the Menteri Besar and Section 23 residents to discuss the issue on September 5 2009 unmanageable and unproductive.The same rules must apply to all.
MCCBCHST is concerned that wheareas in the August 28 2009 Shah Alam incident the police had stood by while the demonstrators desecrated the cow head and made seditious speeches, the police acted strongly against would-be candlelight vigilers in the vicinity of Dataran Merdeka on September 5 2009. Also, Malaysiakini has now been warned by MCMC (Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission) not to make the video showing the terrible acts in the Shah Alam incident available for viewing to their readers. Thinking Malaysians will rightly raise the question: Which comes first- the act or the video which exposes the act? How do we as a country go about resolving our problems? In this case, stopping the video of the act will not unmake the act. We must surely first prevent the act and the video would not have existed.
For the sake and good of all Malaysians and peace and order in Malaysia, consistent, fair, just and rational measures should be applied regardless of religion, ethnicity, culture, gender or political connection.
There must be one rule for all Malaysians.
All who incite ill feelings amongst religious communities, denigrate any religion, desecrate the religious symbols of any religion or threaten to commit violence against others must be promptly deterred and held accountable. They must face charges and given a fair trial in a court of law.
Sacrilegious acts committed by adherents of any one religion upon another religion must never be condoned. We hold to the principle that all human beings and communities have a sacred right of freedom of choice as far as their religious belief and practice is concerned.We stand with Malaysians of all religious and political persuasions who were outraged by the flagrant disregard for the sensitivities of others shown by the Shah Alam demonstrators.
We welcome the partnership of all Malaysians of goodwill. Together we can weather the mischief and bigotry of those who seek to drive a wedge between us and divide rather than unite the people of this land.
We Malaysians live in a pluralistic society and accordingly we must respect our neighbours and endeavour to learn about their beliefs, customs and sentiments. It is upon such understanding of others and what is dear to them that our nation can be firmly rooted and grow strong and united.
The way to manage our differences is not by creating enclaves whereby Malaysians will be segregated and separated from one another but through understanding and respect. Let us live together next to one another rather than to live apart. Each succeeding generation of Malaysians should grow closer rather than to be pulled apart.
The site chosen in Section 23 of Shah Alam for the Hindu temple to be relocated to complies with local government conditions. It is over 300 meters away from any housing area, six times more than the 50-meter requirement. If the authorities accept the objection to it by certain quarters, the social dynamics of Malaysian life will be affected and the consequence on national integration will be very serious indeed.
We must not subscribe to the view of thinking about Malaysians as majorities and minorities, and majorities versus minorities.
MCCBCHST therefore calls upon all Malaysians of goodwill to be in earnest prayer for the peaceful and just resolution of the issue. Those in authority at the community, religious and governmental level must be firm to unequivocally reject unreasonable, unfair and anti-social behaviour and demand.
Rev. Dr Thomas Philips
MCCBCHST President
Petaling Jaya
Saturday, September 05, 2009
Kuil Hindu di Kelantan - in Bahasa Malaysia
Saya dibesarkan di Tumpat, sejak dua bulan dilahirkan, sehinggalah Tingkatan Lima. Semasa zaman remaja, kami bersembahyang di Kuil Sri Maha Mariaman Hindu di Tumpat, Kelantan.
Kuil tersebut dibina kelas pekerja India landasan keretapi semasa zaman penjajahan.
Kuil Hindu ini dibina di kawasan yang terdiri daripada 99.99% Melayu-Islam dan diperintah PAS. Dua tahun yang lepas, semasa saya melawat ke kuil ini, saya diberitahu bahawa hanya dua keluarga India sahaja yang tinggal di Tumpat. Namun, kuil Hindu kami tersergam sehingga hari ini di jalan utama menuju ke Tumpat.
Saya menunjuk kepada isteri dan anak-anak kuil Hindu yang menemani saya ketika membesar dengan penuh nostalgia. Kuil ini kekal sebagai warisan sejarah Kelantan sehingga hari ini. Kuil Hindu kami ini boleh dirobohkan atau dipindahkan dari Kelantan memandangkan kawasan ini terdiri daripada 99.99% Melayu-Muslim, atau kerana negeri ini digelar "Serambi Mekah".
Saya percaya bahawa idea ini tidak terlintas dalam minda Menteri Besar, Nik Aziz. Inilah amalan kepelbagaian agama di kawasan yang diperintah 99% Melayu-Muslim PAS. Patung Buddha Tidur yang terbesar bukan terletak di Thailand, Kembodia atau India, di mana Buddhism berasal, tetapi di Kg.Neting, Tumpat Kelantan.
Kepelbagaian kaum dan agama di Malaysia memerlukan kewujudan bersama (religious coexistence), daripada toleransi agama. Maka kita tidak akan berdepan dengan kes bantahan kuil Hindu di mana kawasan majoriti dan didominasi UMNO seperti Seksyen 19 dan 22 Shah Alam, dengan alasan bahawa kawasan ini didominasi Melayu Muslim.
Ektremis agama yang berarak protes dengan kepala lembu tidak akan ditangkap, dan tidak akan didakwa secara serius oleh peguam negara dalam "1Malaysia" yang disarankan PM Najib Razak. Justeru itu, extremism perkauman dan agama berterusan di Malaysia. Pada hakikatnya, mereka memperoleh sokongan Menteri Dalam Negeri Hishammuddin Hussein yang menghalalkan tindakan mereka. Kerajaan Persekutuan yang dikawal UMNO, dan kerajaan negeri Selangor yang dikawal PKR, dan kerajaan negeri yang perintah PR di Barat Malaysia, perlu belajar dari Kelantan yang diperintah PAS.
PM Najib Razak berkuasa untuk mengeluarkan surat pekeliling yang memperuntukkan kuasa kepada Menteri Besar Selangor PKR dan Menteri Besar atau Ketua Menteri di negeri pemerintahan Pakatan Rakyat, untuk memberi hak milik tanah kepada semua kuil Hindu yang sedia ada dan digazetkan sebagai kuil Hindu, seperti yang berlaku di kawasan 99% tanah rizab Melayu di negeri Kelantan. Maka, ia akan menoktahkan pemecahan dan ketegangan kaum dan agama di Malaysia yang baru, tidak pernah berlaku malah tidak perlu berlaku ini.
Begitu juga ia perlu dilakukan terhadap semua Hindu crematorium, sekolah Tamil dan tempat duduk India seperti Kg.Buah Pala. Ini sebenarnya akan menyelesaikan setengah masalah yang dihadapi kelas pekerja India untuk selama-lamanya.
Namun, kedua-dua UMNO, PKR di Selangor dan negeri pantai Barat lain yang diperintah PR hanya bermain politik wayang kulit, dengan "mandores" India mereka melalui media cetak dan elektronik, dengan pengumuman kosong tentang tanah sementara untuk kuil Hindu, sekolah Tamil dan crematorium. Kemudian, dihebohkan bak pepatah "ayam telur sebiji riuh sekampung."
Kerajaan negeri yang mempunyai kuasa mutlak dalam isu tanah negerinya, tidak mengeluarkan surat bertulis untuk tanah sementara tersebut yang diumumkan oleh mereka, memberi hak milik tanah atau gazet kepada kuil Hindu, sekolah Tamil dan crematorium Hindu. Maka, keadaan kelas pekerja India baru-baru ini, di Kampung Buah Pala dan Seksyen 19 dan 22, Shah Alam, hanyalah sebahagian kecil masalah kritikal yang dihadapi kelas pekerja India di Malaysia.
Hanya di Malaysia, dan terutamanya atas nama pembangunan, kuil Hindu, crematorium Hindu, sekolah Tamil dan tempat duduk orang India yang miskin dijadikan sasaran utama. Kami menyimpan rekod ribuan kes sedemikian.
Masalah ini jarang berlaku di komuniti Melayu, Cina, orang asli, Iban atau Kadazan di Malaysia. Ia berlaku kepada hampir semua kelas pekerja India. Mengapa? Kerana BN, PKR, DAP, PAS, NGO dan masyarakat sivil mendakwa diri mereka "berbilang kaum" dan "berbilang agama."
Ini semua kerana kelas pekerja India tidak memiliki kuasa politik atau pengaruh ekonomi, dan seterusnya tiada dalam hampir semua UMNO, PKR, DAP, PAS (kecuali Kelantan), NGO yang sudi untuk menguruskan masalah kritikal India.
*Kenyataan ini dikeluarkan oleh P.Uthayakumar, Setiausaha Agung (pro-tem) Parti Hak Asasi Manusia (Human Rights Party, HRP). Teks asalnya bahasa Inggeris.
Kuil tersebut dibina kelas pekerja India landasan keretapi semasa zaman penjajahan.
Kuil Hindu ini dibina di kawasan yang terdiri daripada 99.99% Melayu-Islam dan diperintah PAS. Dua tahun yang lepas, semasa saya melawat ke kuil ini, saya diberitahu bahawa hanya dua keluarga India sahaja yang tinggal di Tumpat. Namun, kuil Hindu kami tersergam sehingga hari ini di jalan utama menuju ke Tumpat.
Saya menunjuk kepada isteri dan anak-anak kuil Hindu yang menemani saya ketika membesar dengan penuh nostalgia. Kuil ini kekal sebagai warisan sejarah Kelantan sehingga hari ini. Kuil Hindu kami ini boleh dirobohkan atau dipindahkan dari Kelantan memandangkan kawasan ini terdiri daripada 99.99% Melayu-Muslim, atau kerana negeri ini digelar "Serambi Mekah".
Saya percaya bahawa idea ini tidak terlintas dalam minda Menteri Besar, Nik Aziz. Inilah amalan kepelbagaian agama di kawasan yang diperintah 99% Melayu-Muslim PAS. Patung Buddha Tidur yang terbesar bukan terletak di Thailand, Kembodia atau India, di mana Buddhism berasal, tetapi di Kg.Neting, Tumpat Kelantan.
Kepelbagaian kaum dan agama di Malaysia memerlukan kewujudan bersama (religious coexistence), daripada toleransi agama. Maka kita tidak akan berdepan dengan kes bantahan kuil Hindu di mana kawasan majoriti dan didominasi UMNO seperti Seksyen 19 dan 22 Shah Alam, dengan alasan bahawa kawasan ini didominasi Melayu Muslim.
Ektremis agama yang berarak protes dengan kepala lembu tidak akan ditangkap, dan tidak akan didakwa secara serius oleh peguam negara dalam "1Malaysia" yang disarankan PM Najib Razak. Justeru itu, extremism perkauman dan agama berterusan di Malaysia. Pada hakikatnya, mereka memperoleh sokongan Menteri Dalam Negeri Hishammuddin Hussein yang menghalalkan tindakan mereka. Kerajaan Persekutuan yang dikawal UMNO, dan kerajaan negeri Selangor yang dikawal PKR, dan kerajaan negeri yang perintah PR di Barat Malaysia, perlu belajar dari Kelantan yang diperintah PAS.
PM Najib Razak berkuasa untuk mengeluarkan surat pekeliling yang memperuntukkan kuasa kepada Menteri Besar Selangor PKR dan Menteri Besar atau Ketua Menteri di negeri pemerintahan Pakatan Rakyat, untuk memberi hak milik tanah kepada semua kuil Hindu yang sedia ada dan digazetkan sebagai kuil Hindu, seperti yang berlaku di kawasan 99% tanah rizab Melayu di negeri Kelantan. Maka, ia akan menoktahkan pemecahan dan ketegangan kaum dan agama di Malaysia yang baru, tidak pernah berlaku malah tidak perlu berlaku ini.
Begitu juga ia perlu dilakukan terhadap semua Hindu crematorium, sekolah Tamil dan tempat duduk India seperti Kg.Buah Pala. Ini sebenarnya akan menyelesaikan setengah masalah yang dihadapi kelas pekerja India untuk selama-lamanya.
Namun, kedua-dua UMNO, PKR di Selangor dan negeri pantai Barat lain yang diperintah PR hanya bermain politik wayang kulit, dengan "mandores" India mereka melalui media cetak dan elektronik, dengan pengumuman kosong tentang tanah sementara untuk kuil Hindu, sekolah Tamil dan crematorium. Kemudian, dihebohkan bak pepatah "ayam telur sebiji riuh sekampung."
Kerajaan negeri yang mempunyai kuasa mutlak dalam isu tanah negerinya, tidak mengeluarkan surat bertulis untuk tanah sementara tersebut yang diumumkan oleh mereka, memberi hak milik tanah atau gazet kepada kuil Hindu, sekolah Tamil dan crematorium Hindu. Maka, keadaan kelas pekerja India baru-baru ini, di Kampung Buah Pala dan Seksyen 19 dan 22, Shah Alam, hanyalah sebahagian kecil masalah kritikal yang dihadapi kelas pekerja India di Malaysia.
Hanya di Malaysia, dan terutamanya atas nama pembangunan, kuil Hindu, crematorium Hindu, sekolah Tamil dan tempat duduk orang India yang miskin dijadikan sasaran utama. Kami menyimpan rekod ribuan kes sedemikian.
Masalah ini jarang berlaku di komuniti Melayu, Cina, orang asli, Iban atau Kadazan di Malaysia. Ia berlaku kepada hampir semua kelas pekerja India. Mengapa? Kerana BN, PKR, DAP, PAS, NGO dan masyarakat sivil mendakwa diri mereka "berbilang kaum" dan "berbilang agama."
Ini semua kerana kelas pekerja India tidak memiliki kuasa politik atau pengaruh ekonomi, dan seterusnya tiada dalam hampir semua UMNO, PKR, DAP, PAS (kecuali Kelantan), NGO yang sudi untuk menguruskan masalah kritikal India.
*Kenyataan ini dikeluarkan oleh P.Uthayakumar, Setiausaha Agung (pro-tem) Parti Hak Asasi Manusia (Human Rights Party, HRP). Teks asalnya bahasa Inggeris.
Sunday, April 19, 2009
Forced and unlawful Conversion of children
GOVERNMENT SHOULD IMMEDIATELY STOP THE NONSENSE OF FORCED AND UNLAWFUL CONVERSION.
LATEST RELIGIOUS FIASCO – 3 CHILDREN AGED 12 , 11 AND 1 FORCEFULLY CONVERTED TO ISLAM
MAARAN MATTERS expresses its shock and utter disgust at the conduct of JAIS in allowing a forceful and unlawful conversion of three children who were born and brought up as Hindus.
The father of those children has every right to convert to whatever religion he chooses but he does not have any right to forcibly convert his children who are minors to the Islamic faith unilaterally without the consent of his estranged wife.
The Federal constitution was drafted for everyone in a civil society that consist of a multi racial society but today Syariah laws practiced by fanatical JAIS with assistance from the government and sanction from the Federal Court (which has abdicated its powers) is infringing the basic right of a Malaysian citizen as it seems to supersede the desire of the multi racial society and the true spirit of the constitution.
We are totally sickened with the conduct and manner in which JAIS officers seem to have been colluding with K.Pathmanathan (now Mohd Ridzuan Abdullah) in serving “a syariah court order” on the Hindu wife. Every time a religious controversy arises it is the relevant Islamic religious bodies which colludes and protects the converting party without any regards to the civil society.
JAIS continues to strain the social fabric of a multi racial nation with their “CULTURE OF ARROGANCE IN CONVERSION”.
The provisions of the Federal Constitution with regards to religious freedom are crystal clear. It is time the converting party and the Islamic authorities follow the correct logical procedure ie obtaining the necessary court order in a civil court first before attempting to convert the children. What they are doing is definitely a “backdoor method through Syariah law” to conversion and an attempt to bully the mother of those children and non muslims into submission to a syariah court order.
Malaysia is a multi racial country with a Federal constitution and religious zealots cannot usurp its function. There should be respect for universal principles of human rights and religious freedom.
MAARAN MATTERS urges all democratic minded citizens, NGO’s and lawmakers to condemn this appalling act by the father, Mohd Ridzuan Abdullah and the Islamic authorities in converting the children.
Hindu Sangam which claims to represent the Malaysian Hindu community should act proactively to mount the pressure rather than putting their “faith” and “pray” on promises of setting up committees and “we will look into it” answers given by UMNO government.
Many committees have come and gone but there has never been a solution to this pertinent controversial issue relating to conversion as the government continues to defy the very concept of the Federal constitution.
The 2007, Federal court judgment, that the consent of one parent is sufficient to convert a child in the case of R.Subashini is gravely flawed as it always favours the party converting to the Islamic faith rather than upholding the spirit of the constitution.
What if the other non Muslim parent then initiates a civil action and provides consent to reconvert the child to its original faith-would that be sufficient consent then and will the Federal court then sanction it or the Syariah court would then declare that the minor could face criminal prosecution for apostasy.
This is a deadlock that the government and the Federal Court need to address for the well being of the multi racial society rather than being intimidated by religious zealots.
Maaran Matters maintains the Federal Court judgment in Subhashini’s case is gravely flawed and the Federal Court should not abdicate its duties and independence to protect every litigant equally and in fairness without fear or favour.
LATEST RELIGIOUS FIASCO – 3 CHILDREN AGED 12 , 11 AND 1 FORCEFULLY CONVERTED TO ISLAM
MAARAN MATTERS expresses its shock and utter disgust at the conduct of JAIS in allowing a forceful and unlawful conversion of three children who were born and brought up as Hindus.
The father of those children has every right to convert to whatever religion he chooses but he does not have any right to forcibly convert his children who are minors to the Islamic faith unilaterally without the consent of his estranged wife.
The Federal constitution was drafted for everyone in a civil society that consist of a multi racial society but today Syariah laws practiced by fanatical JAIS with assistance from the government and sanction from the Federal Court (which has abdicated its powers) is infringing the basic right of a Malaysian citizen as it seems to supersede the desire of the multi racial society and the true spirit of the constitution.
We are totally sickened with the conduct and manner in which JAIS officers seem to have been colluding with K.Pathmanathan (now Mohd Ridzuan Abdullah) in serving “a syariah court order” on the Hindu wife. Every time a religious controversy arises it is the relevant Islamic religious bodies which colludes and protects the converting party without any regards to the civil society.
JAIS continues to strain the social fabric of a multi racial nation with their “CULTURE OF ARROGANCE IN CONVERSION”.
The provisions of the Federal Constitution with regards to religious freedom are crystal clear. It is time the converting party and the Islamic authorities follow the correct logical procedure ie obtaining the necessary court order in a civil court first before attempting to convert the children. What they are doing is definitely a “backdoor method through Syariah law” to conversion and an attempt to bully the mother of those children and non muslims into submission to a syariah court order.
Malaysia is a multi racial country with a Federal constitution and religious zealots cannot usurp its function. There should be respect for universal principles of human rights and religious freedom.
MAARAN MATTERS urges all democratic minded citizens, NGO’s and lawmakers to condemn this appalling act by the father, Mohd Ridzuan Abdullah and the Islamic authorities in converting the children.
Hindu Sangam which claims to represent the Malaysian Hindu community should act proactively to mount the pressure rather than putting their “faith” and “pray” on promises of setting up committees and “we will look into it” answers given by UMNO government.
Many committees have come and gone but there has never been a solution to this pertinent controversial issue relating to conversion as the government continues to defy the very concept of the Federal constitution.
The 2007, Federal court judgment, that the consent of one parent is sufficient to convert a child in the case of R.Subashini is gravely flawed as it always favours the party converting to the Islamic faith rather than upholding the spirit of the constitution.
What if the other non Muslim parent then initiates a civil action and provides consent to reconvert the child to its original faith-would that be sufficient consent then and will the Federal court then sanction it or the Syariah court would then declare that the minor could face criminal prosecution for apostasy.
This is a deadlock that the government and the Federal Court need to address for the well being of the multi racial society rather than being intimidated by religious zealots.
Maaran Matters maintains the Federal Court judgment in Subhashini’s case is gravely flawed and the Federal Court should not abdicate its duties and independence to protect every litigant equally and in fairness without fear or favour.
Saturday, April 18, 2009
Indian Discontent in Malaysia - Remembering 2007's Darkest Day
The harsh reaction by Kuala Lumpur’s police Sunday to a protest organized by the Hindu Action Force, a pressure group established to further the cause of Malaysia’s 2 million Indians, turns the spotlight on the country’s third largest ethnic group and the problems it has faced for decades.
Tensions have been inflamed recently with the accelerated destruction of Hindu temples by the government. Although many have been built without permits on government land, they have been in place for decades. Three have been bulldozed this year to make way for road construction and a housing development and another three are due for demolition over the next few months.
The Kuala Lumpur police set up road blocks for three days in advance of the demonstration and charged the group’s leaders with sedition. As they had on Nov. 10 against the pressure group Bersih calling for election reform, the police confronted an estimated 100,000 Indian demonstrators with water cannon and tear gas. Some police were armed with submachine guns, weapons they rarely carry openly, as helicopters hovered overhead.
This demonstration was notably more aggressive than the Nov. 10 one, which was multiracial and led not only by Bersih, a good-government organization, but three opposition parties. Defying an order that the protest was illegal, the protesters Sunday, many of them swinging motorcycle helmets as weapons, threw cans and bottles. Disobeying an order to disperse, they gathered outside the city’s gleaming Petronas Towers, with police chasing them down side streets. Scores also gathered at the huge, Batu Caves north of Kuala Lumpur, which is filled with Hindu statues and other objects of worship.
The Hindu Action Force, three of whose leaders were arrested Friday and charged with sedition in advance of the protests, sought to present a petition to the British High Commission asking Queen Elizabeth to appoint a Queen’s Counsel to represent the Indian community. Hundreds of police from Malaysia’s Federal Reserve Unit and the General Operations Force were stationed in the vicinity of the British High Commission in an effort to thwart their progress. In August, the group filed a US$4 trillion class-action suit against the British government in London, asking compensation for being brought to the rubber plantations. At issue in the protest is the odd niche that Indians, some 7 to 8 percent of the population, occupy in Malaysian society. Brought to what was then British Malaya to work in rubber plantations, they occupy the bottom rung of modern society at the same time their numbers are over-represented in medicine, the law, civil service, the police and information technology. Ananda Krishnan (worth $4.6 billion in Forbes' list of Malaysian billionaires), of Sri Lankan descent, is the second richest tycoon in Malaysia. He owns pay TV operator Astro All Asia Networks and telecom major Maxis, among other businesses. Tony Fernandes, CEO of Air Asia, is one of Malaysia's most successful entrepreneurs. Born in Kuala Lumpur of Indian descent, Fernandes revolutionized budget air travel in Asia and has been called the "Asian Branson."
The Indians’ presence in Malaysia, however, is much more complicated than that. Migration started in the second half of the 19th century when the British brought Tamils and Telugus from the south of India as indentured laborers, primarily to work on rubber plantations, rail lines and the ports. A second wave, mostly from Northern India, came to man the police force and become civil servants. That included Tamils from Sri Lanka and Indians from Kerala – including the father of former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, who has always been somewhat coy about his Indian roots. Yet a third stream came as traders, Anjum writes.
Yet another wave of Indian migration arrived starting in the 1970s, according to Anjum. In particular, as Mahathir pushed the dream of Malaysia as an IT hub, they were sought after to develop the country’s information technology base, with Malaysia formally signing a Memorandum of Understanding with India for manpower recruitment on a contract basis in 2007. Today, Malaysia’s overseas Indian population is the largest outside the United States.
But outside the legions of professionals, the rubber and palm oil plantations of Malaysia’s interior are still home to some of the poorest residents of the country, their health stunted by malnutrition and their lives marked by lack of upward mobility. In 2000, Time Magazine reported that Indians had the lowest share of the nation's corporate wealth: 1.5%, compared to 19.4% for Malays and 38.5% for Chinese. The highest rate of suicide of any community is among Indians. Gangsterism and violent crime is largely associated with Indians. Some 15% of the Indians in the capital are squatters.”
While some blame Malaysia’s racial policies as the barrier to Indian social wellbeing, with Malays betting on the country’s affirmative action policy and the Chinese being formidable in commerce and business, others blame the Indians themselves. The Malaysian Indian Congress, the ethnic-based party that represents the Indian minority in the ruling coalition, is widely looked upon as ineffective if not corrupt.
Race is the big divide in Malaysia. During his 20 years as prime minister, Mahathir sought to uplift Malays, guaranteeing them a large share of business opportunities. The Chinese, the biggest minority, were supposed to lose their disproportionate share of the country's economy. But the real losers were Indians. Due to their colonial legacy, they are generally seen as providers of cheap labor in plantations and construction sites, their political and social mobility has been thwarted.
Amarjit Kaur, professor of Economic History, at the University of New England in Australia, attributes this partly to caste distinctions. She writes in The Encyclopedia of Indian Diaspora: "The underperformance of the Indian working class may be attributed to the fact that Indian workers were drawn from the less favored caste groups. Thus they continue to be weighed down by the low self-esteem that usually characterizes members of groups belonging to the lower castes and is worsened by lack of the interaction between the well-off and the less well-off Indians.... The marginalization of working-class Indians is reflected in their poor performance in business, equity ownership and employment in professional sectors and the civil service. The disadvantaged position of the majority in the Indian community has contributed to a sense of dispossession and disadvantage among many Indians in Malaysia."
Sarala Sukumaran, 40, a Malaysian Indian entrepreneur who runs an IT firm, says: ""I know many Indian families who want to get out of Malaysia. There are two main reasons behind the backwardness of Indians. One is that we are a minority here, and two, the politicians who represent us do not promote our cause."
Sukumaran is a third generation Malaysian Indian. Her grandparents came to Malaysia in the 1930s to work in the plantations in Penang.
“I feel that we are not aggressive enough as a community in terms of unleashing our entrepreneurial potential. That's why our evolution has been very slow. Comparatively, look at the Tamils from Sri Lanka,” she said. “They have a more close-knit community feeling, they help uplift each other and they are certainly doing much better than the Indians."
After the racial riots of May 1969, Malaysian leaders emphasized the establishment of a united nation and a national culture transcending ethnic identities. The dominant culture in this set-up is Malay with some elements from other cultures supporting it.
Even some new Indians, want to get out. "Being non-bumiputras in Malaysia, we can never settle down here," says Nishant Upadhyay, 30, an instructional designer. "We know that getting a permanent residency is next to impossible so we are looking at opportunities in countries like Singapore and Australia where we can easily settle down and start a family."
Many Indian IT professionals have still not gotten over the mistreatment of 300 Indian citizens in March 2003 in Kuala Lumpur, which was widely reported in the Indian press. Security agencies reportedly interrogated them rudely in a search for illegal immigrants, but all the Indians possessed valid residency documents. Subsequently Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, then the deputy prime minister, apologized for the incident.
But there are frequent reports of abuse of Indian workers and Bumiputra politics disadvantage Indians in education and work opportunities. Local university seats and scholarships are awarded under a racial quota system, and even after getting a degree, many say that discrimination is commonplace. Indian doctors, for instance, complain that they are often excluded from lists of approved doctors whom civil servants or company employees can patronize.
The conversion of rubber plantations to housing estates and golf courses also has displaced plantation workers who have drifted to urban centers. As a result, urban Indian ghettos have emerged and crime has escalated.
Many Indians blame government policies for their backwardness, a charge rejected by mainstream politicians. Says Malaysian politician Shahrir Abdul Samad: "The Indian community problems are more than just equity. Most of their problems are social problems, such as gangsterism. I admit Indians are among the poorest in this country, but their participation and achievements in many other fields are amazing."
Indian Malaysians discover themselves in a bind. Most have resigned themselves to their plight while discontent simmers within the community. But how long can Malaysia afford to allow 8 percent of its population to feel alienated?
Written by Zafar Anjum
Tensions have been inflamed recently with the accelerated destruction of Hindu temples by the government. Although many have been built without permits on government land, they have been in place for decades. Three have been bulldozed this year to make way for road construction and a housing development and another three are due for demolition over the next few months.
The Kuala Lumpur police set up road blocks for three days in advance of the demonstration and charged the group’s leaders with sedition. As they had on Nov. 10 against the pressure group Bersih calling for election reform, the police confronted an estimated 100,000 Indian demonstrators with water cannon and tear gas. Some police were armed with submachine guns, weapons they rarely carry openly, as helicopters hovered overhead.
This demonstration was notably more aggressive than the Nov. 10 one, which was multiracial and led not only by Bersih, a good-government organization, but three opposition parties. Defying an order that the protest was illegal, the protesters Sunday, many of them swinging motorcycle helmets as weapons, threw cans and bottles. Disobeying an order to disperse, they gathered outside the city’s gleaming Petronas Towers, with police chasing them down side streets. Scores also gathered at the huge, Batu Caves north of Kuala Lumpur, which is filled with Hindu statues and other objects of worship.
The Hindu Action Force, three of whose leaders were arrested Friday and charged with sedition in advance of the protests, sought to present a petition to the British High Commission asking Queen Elizabeth to appoint a Queen’s Counsel to represent the Indian community. Hundreds of police from Malaysia’s Federal Reserve Unit and the General Operations Force were stationed in the vicinity of the British High Commission in an effort to thwart their progress. In August, the group filed a US$4 trillion class-action suit against the British government in London, asking compensation for being brought to the rubber plantations. At issue in the protest is the odd niche that Indians, some 7 to 8 percent of the population, occupy in Malaysian society. Brought to what was then British Malaya to work in rubber plantations, they occupy the bottom rung of modern society at the same time their numbers are over-represented in medicine, the law, civil service, the police and information technology. Ananda Krishnan (worth $4.6 billion in Forbes' list of Malaysian billionaires), of Sri Lankan descent, is the second richest tycoon in Malaysia. He owns pay TV operator Astro All Asia Networks and telecom major Maxis, among other businesses. Tony Fernandes, CEO of Air Asia, is one of Malaysia's most successful entrepreneurs. Born in Kuala Lumpur of Indian descent, Fernandes revolutionized budget air travel in Asia and has been called the "Asian Branson."
The Indians’ presence in Malaysia, however, is much more complicated than that. Migration started in the second half of the 19th century when the British brought Tamils and Telugus from the south of India as indentured laborers, primarily to work on rubber plantations, rail lines and the ports. A second wave, mostly from Northern India, came to man the police force and become civil servants. That included Tamils from Sri Lanka and Indians from Kerala – including the father of former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, who has always been somewhat coy about his Indian roots. Yet a third stream came as traders, Anjum writes.
Yet another wave of Indian migration arrived starting in the 1970s, according to Anjum. In particular, as Mahathir pushed the dream of Malaysia as an IT hub, they were sought after to develop the country’s information technology base, with Malaysia formally signing a Memorandum of Understanding with India for manpower recruitment on a contract basis in 2007. Today, Malaysia’s overseas Indian population is the largest outside the United States.
But outside the legions of professionals, the rubber and palm oil plantations of Malaysia’s interior are still home to some of the poorest residents of the country, their health stunted by malnutrition and their lives marked by lack of upward mobility. In 2000, Time Magazine reported that Indians had the lowest share of the nation's corporate wealth: 1.5%, compared to 19.4% for Malays and 38.5% for Chinese. The highest rate of suicide of any community is among Indians. Gangsterism and violent crime is largely associated with Indians. Some 15% of the Indians in the capital are squatters.”
While some blame Malaysia’s racial policies as the barrier to Indian social wellbeing, with Malays betting on the country’s affirmative action policy and the Chinese being formidable in commerce and business, others blame the Indians themselves. The Malaysian Indian Congress, the ethnic-based party that represents the Indian minority in the ruling coalition, is widely looked upon as ineffective if not corrupt.
Race is the big divide in Malaysia. During his 20 years as prime minister, Mahathir sought to uplift Malays, guaranteeing them a large share of business opportunities. The Chinese, the biggest minority, were supposed to lose their disproportionate share of the country's economy. But the real losers were Indians. Due to their colonial legacy, they are generally seen as providers of cheap labor in plantations and construction sites, their political and social mobility has been thwarted.
Amarjit Kaur, professor of Economic History, at the University of New England in Australia, attributes this partly to caste distinctions. She writes in The Encyclopedia of Indian Diaspora: "The underperformance of the Indian working class may be attributed to the fact that Indian workers were drawn from the less favored caste groups. Thus they continue to be weighed down by the low self-esteem that usually characterizes members of groups belonging to the lower castes and is worsened by lack of the interaction between the well-off and the less well-off Indians.... The marginalization of working-class Indians is reflected in their poor performance in business, equity ownership and employment in professional sectors and the civil service. The disadvantaged position of the majority in the Indian community has contributed to a sense of dispossession and disadvantage among many Indians in Malaysia."
Sarala Sukumaran, 40, a Malaysian Indian entrepreneur who runs an IT firm, says: ""I know many Indian families who want to get out of Malaysia. There are two main reasons behind the backwardness of Indians. One is that we are a minority here, and two, the politicians who represent us do not promote our cause."
Sukumaran is a third generation Malaysian Indian. Her grandparents came to Malaysia in the 1930s to work in the plantations in Penang.
“I feel that we are not aggressive enough as a community in terms of unleashing our entrepreneurial potential. That's why our evolution has been very slow. Comparatively, look at the Tamils from Sri Lanka,” she said. “They have a more close-knit community feeling, they help uplift each other and they are certainly doing much better than the Indians."
After the racial riots of May 1969, Malaysian leaders emphasized the establishment of a united nation and a national culture transcending ethnic identities. The dominant culture in this set-up is Malay with some elements from other cultures supporting it.
Even some new Indians, want to get out. "Being non-bumiputras in Malaysia, we can never settle down here," says Nishant Upadhyay, 30, an instructional designer. "We know that getting a permanent residency is next to impossible so we are looking at opportunities in countries like Singapore and Australia where we can easily settle down and start a family."
Many Indian IT professionals have still not gotten over the mistreatment of 300 Indian citizens in March 2003 in Kuala Lumpur, which was widely reported in the Indian press. Security agencies reportedly interrogated them rudely in a search for illegal immigrants, but all the Indians possessed valid residency documents. Subsequently Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, then the deputy prime minister, apologized for the incident.
But there are frequent reports of abuse of Indian workers and Bumiputra politics disadvantage Indians in education and work opportunities. Local university seats and scholarships are awarded under a racial quota system, and even after getting a degree, many say that discrimination is commonplace. Indian doctors, for instance, complain that they are often excluded from lists of approved doctors whom civil servants or company employees can patronize.
The conversion of rubber plantations to housing estates and golf courses also has displaced plantation workers who have drifted to urban centers. As a result, urban Indian ghettos have emerged and crime has escalated.
Many Indians blame government policies for their backwardness, a charge rejected by mainstream politicians. Says Malaysian politician Shahrir Abdul Samad: "The Indian community problems are more than just equity. Most of their problems are social problems, such as gangsterism. I admit Indians are among the poorest in this country, but their participation and achievements in many other fields are amazing."
Indian Malaysians discover themselves in a bind. Most have resigned themselves to their plight while discontent simmers within the community. But how long can Malaysia afford to allow 8 percent of its population to feel alienated?
Written by Zafar Anjum
Friday, June 13, 2008
Destroying Malaysian Temples
A nation is as rich as its geography; and geography is enriched when it is overdetermined.
In this respect, we in Malaysia are – or were – rich indeed. Rich because of the fact that being located as we are at the crossroads of Asia this patch of earth was the meeting point of so many cultures and civilisations that stretched from mainland China to South Asia, Central Asia, the Mediterranean and Europe.
Looking back at the maps (both oral and graphic) left since the days of Ptolemy and others, we see that this was indeed a land blessed in many ways. Across the archipelago we find some of the greatest kingdoms and empires that have ever graced the earth of humankind: Angkor, Majapahit, Srivijaya, Langkasuka, Khmer, Mataram, Vijaya, Champa, Indrapura… the list goes on endlessly. Nor were these settlements isolated: They traded with the empires of China and the numerous dynasties that ruled over mainland India and Lanka. During my trip to Sri Lanka earlier this year, I stood amidst the ruins of the great monasteries of Anuradhapura, and sat awhile in thought as I contemplated the journeys that were made by the monks of Lanka as they travelled all the way to Java, bringing with them the Theravada tradition as well as a sprinkling of Tantraism along the way. In turn the landscape of Southeast Asia bears silent witness to the great migrations of the past, with the great temple complexes of Pagan, Angkor and Borobudur reminding us of the days when the peoples of Southeast Asia were indeed global in outlook and their daily lives. No, we were never a parochial lot, us Southeast Asians.
Sadly, geography has not evolved a means of defending itself against the writing of a political and politicised history, and landscapes have precious little means to defend themselves against the onslaught of ideological reconstructionism. Southeast Asia today remains a contested landscape though the contestation in question has less to do with the scramble for resources but more with the need to erase the past in order to plant ever more firmly the stamp of the present.
We should have seen it all coming when, in the 1970s and 1980s the region was swept by a new wave of conservative religiosity that was wedded to the interests of sectarian politics: The great temple of Borobudur was the first victim, when it was bombed by radical Islamists who claimed that the time had come to ‘cleanse’ Indonesia of its Hindu-Buddhist past, and that the destruction of the magnificent Buddhist monument would signal the coming of a new age. Some of the more radical Islamists were undoubtedly disappointed that millions of tourists were flocking to the country to see Borobudur in all her glory, and were not equally awe-struck by the Soviet-realist statues and monuments of Jakarta dedicated to the inflated egos of Indonesian politicians, or worse still, the painfully ugly utilitarian-modernist edifices built by Saudi money in the same capital…
In Malaysia we have come to hear similar voices being raised. Not too long ago a prominent religious scholar and politician known more for his arcane knowledge of Djinns and other assorted spirit-folk uttered the lament that a town up north was still named ‘Indera Kayangan’; and in his speech stated quite bluntly that the name of the town should be changed to something more Islamic to mirror the mood of the day. (One wonders what would serve as an appropriately Islamic name then, as if pronouns had a religious identity…)
Of late we have also witnessed the sad spectacle of the erasure of history in no uncertain terms: The destruction of Hindu temples all over the Peninsula has been cited as a case in point, though in practically every case of Hindu temple demolition we have been told that it was for the sake of ‘development’ and that the temples in question were illegally built anyway. One wonders if the foundations of Angkor Wat or Borobudur were laid on legally-sanctified ground as well, or whether those who built them had applied for planning permits.
One such case is the Sri Mariamman Muniswaran temple, located at Batu Lima, Jalan Tampin, near Seremban. Historical records of the estate that used to sit at the site indicate that the temple was built around 1870-1890, and so the temple may be anything between 110 to 130 years old. Furthermore the temple – a modest structure with a simple roof sheltering the image of the local deity – is backed by a spectacular specimen of the Banyan tree species, a sprawling mass of vegetation that would bolster the claim of its relative antiquity. Even more interesting is the fact that during my visit there a couple of weeks ago, I found a tiny Chinese shrine situated behind the temple and tree, with – of all things – what appeared to be a small statue of a Javanese King as the primary totem of devotion! Here was multiculturalism at its best and most unapologetically hybrid. The combination of Hindu, Chinese and Malay elements was evident for all to see, including those who seem bent of levelling the structure down for the sake of road expansion.
Those who speak the jargon of legalese may be able to understand the rationale for its scheduled demolition. In fact on 26 February 2005 the temple structure was smashed by men wielding sledge hammers, though it was immediately rebuilt by regular devotees who visit the temple. The fate of the tiny temple is now being decided in the courts, though opinion on the matter remains divided.
Partisans to the development argument will undoubtedly claim that the loss of one more temple would make no difference to the landscape. After all, many others have fallen under the hammer and the bulldozer, so why not this one? But here one is forced to interject by stating the obvious. It has often been said that such ‘Indian temples’ are an eyesore, that they have been built illegally, that they somehow do not ‘match’ with the overall flavour and patterns of the Malaysian landscape.
Lest it be forgotten, let us remind ourselves of some basic facts:
Firstly, these are NOT ‘Indian’ temples that are being destroyed, but rather Malaysian temples that are just as much a part of the Malaysian cultural-religious landscape as any other mosque, church or pagoda in the country. To call them ‘Indian temples’ would suggest an Otherness and alterity they do not profess nor possess. They were built by Malaysian Hindus on Malaysian soil and are therefore a part of the Malaysian landscape.
Firstly, these are NOT ‘Indian’ temples that are being destroyed, but rather Malaysian temples that are just as much a part of the Malaysian cultural-religious landscape as any other mosque, church or pagoda in the country. To call them ‘Indian temples’ would suggest an Otherness and alterity they do not profess nor possess. They were built by Malaysian Hindus on Malaysian soil and are therefore a part of the Malaysian landscape.
Secondly the recognition of the Malaysian character of these temples would mean recognising that Hinduism has been and remains part of the cultural fabric of Malaysian society, and is not some alien faith and cultural system that was transplanted to the country yesterday while we were all sleeping. There is nothing new, odd, alien or unusual about Hinduism in Malaysia. In fact it counts as one of the foundations of Malaysian and Malay identity and has been part of the organic culture and history of the Malaysian peoples more than any other belief and cultural system. The Malay language itself is proof of this, and if you wish I can cite you a Malay sentence that is made up almost entirely of Sanskrit words: “Mahasiswa-mahasiswi berasmara di asrama bersama pandita yang curiga”.
Thirdly, the defence of these temples should be seen by all Malaysians as a Malaysian concern, and not that of the Hindus of Malaysia solely or exclusively. Living as we do in a country whose history is being diluted on an hourly basis, we all need to recognise the fact that this land of ours is rich in culture and history only as long as we collectively preserve and protect it. The systematic destruction of the spiritual landscape of Malaysia should therefore be seen as a Malaysian concern, for all Malaysians; and this should not be pathologised as simply a ‘Hindu’ problem, or worse still, an ‘Indian problem’. (To which one might add that there are no ‘Indians’ in Malaysia save for those who carry Indian passports and happen to be citizens of India. The rest are Malaysians who may or may not identify themselves as believing, practising, nominal or even atheistic Hindus.)
In short, what we are witnessing today is the destruction of Malaysian temples, and that is why we Malaysians should be concerned. It doesn’t matter what religion you may or may not choose to profess: this is an issue that needs to be addressed by us collectively. To recognise that these temples are Malaysian temples means locating them here, at home, as part of our collective identity and what defines us as what we are. Today the temple bells are being silenced; and my world – and yours – is poorer as a result.
In short, what we are witnessing today is the destruction of Malaysian temples, and that is why we Malaysians should be concerned. It doesn’t matter what religion you may or may not choose to profess: this is an issue that needs to be addressed by us collectively. To recognise that these temples are Malaysian temples means locating them here, at home, as part of our collective identity and what defines us as what we are. Today the temple bells are being silenced; and my world – and yours – is poorer as a result.
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