Challenges to the Rights of Malaysians of Indian Descent

The success of democracy in a multi-cultural society could be measured in terms of ethnic accommodation, since there are greater possibilities for communitarian antagonism owing to rising expectations. However, every multi-cultural society has evolved a political structure through a historical process to meet the indispensable demands (i.e. liberty and equal opportunities of development) of multiple ethnic groups. This article attempts to address the problem of Indian minorities through the prism of human rights, as enshrined in the charter of international human rights. It also seeks to cast light on the peculiar political arrangement in the case of Malaysia, which is discriminatory and restricts the genuine functioning of a fair democratic process.

Introduction
Malaysia is a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural society, where Malays and indigenous groups (Orang Asli, Sabahans and Sarawakians etc.), who are defined as bumiputera (son of the soul), comprise 67 percent of the population (Department of Statistics, Malaysia 2010). By constitutional definition, all Malays are Muslims and speak the Malay language. They dominate national politics, administrative and other governmental jobs. About a quarter of the population consists of Malaysians of Chinese descent, a group which historically has played a significant role in the field of trade and business. Malaysians of Indian descent comprise 7.3 percent of the population, and include Hindus, Buddhists, Sikhs, Christians and Muslims (Department of Statistics, Malaysia 2010).

The term ‘Indian’ in Malaysia is used to refer to all people from the sub-continent – Indians, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis and Sri Lankans. Malaysia has one of the largest communities of peoples of Indian origin in the world outside the subcontinent, numbering about two million.  The overwhelming number are of South Indian origin, predominantly Tamil-speaking and a significant numbers speak Telugu, Malayalam, Hindi and Punjabi. The Indians began migrating to Malaysia in the latter part of the 19th Century, while under British rule, to work as indentured labourers in plantations.  The subsequent waves from other parts of India and Sri Lanka were for the security services, railways and clerical services (Kuppuswamy 2010). As the years progressed, they integrated themselves into the society and culture of Malaysia while retaining their language and religion. About eighty percent of ethnic Indians in Malaysia are Hindus and their problems are the same as the problems of minorities in a multicultural society. Apart from the economic discrimination they have suffered under Malaysia’s Bumiputera policies since 1971, a number of sensitive issues relating to demolitions of Hindu temples and Hindu Burial grounds, forced religious conversion, denial of birth certificates and national identity documents and others have come up.

While overseas Indians are amongst the best educated and successful communities in the world (The Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs), peoples of Indian origin living in Malaysia find themselves marginalized and excluded from the mainstream of national development in almost every aspect of day-to-day living. The economic and political rights of ethnic Indians have witnessed both moderate and violent contestations from native socio-political forces. As Dilip Lahiri points out, Indians are categorically denied basic and elementary needs and necessities, fundamental rights and equal opportunities of progress. They have to face racial discrimination in many fields, including: the allotment of business licenses, the awarding of government scholarships, the closure of Tamil primary schools, citizenship applications, granting of permits for taxis, allotment of land, admission to universities, appointment of lecturers or teachers, etc. (Lahiri 2008).
The notable thing is that, at the time of Malaysia’s independence in 1957, the condition of ethnic Indians was much better than today’s. Even, in the aftermath of independence, all ethnic groups were given equal rights and opportunities of development. However, Islam was made the official religion of the Federation; non-Malays were also given enough space to exercise their religious and cultural customs and traditions. All three major ethnic groups (Malays, Chinese and Indians) were given representation through the ethnic parties such as the UMNO (United Malay National Organisation), the MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association) and the MIC (Malaysian Indian Congress) within the ruling coalition of the Alliance Party (BN- Barisan Nasional).

Affirmative Action Policy
In 1969, politics in Malaysia took a dramatic turn when, for the first time since independence, the ruling Malay party lost many seats in the general elections. The subsequent political developments, including bloody ethnic riots in May 1969 between Malays and non-Malays (principally Chinese), provided grounds for the ruling Malay elites within the Alliance Party to consolidate their position. The Parliament was suspended and all political and administrative powers were taken away by Malay leaders. In order to ensure the peace and stability in the pluralist society of Malaysia, a political formula of ‘Affirmative Action Policies’ was found to address Malay ‘grievances’. With this in mind, the government introduced a number of policies to improve the condition of the Bumiputeras (sons of the soil) in all sectors of life. In 1971, the New Economic Policy (NEP) was launched, effectively imposing a regime of ‘positive discrimination’ for Malays in a variety of sectors from education and business to the bureaucracy (Crouch 1996: 24-26). Later revisions of this, such as the New Development Plan (1991-2000) as well as the New Vision Policy (2000-2010), all targeted the promotion of the local Malay population.

The implementation of the above-mentioned policies and measures in favour of Malays means the following things: Malay domination in the public sector, special privileges for Malays in the educational and economic realms, generous loans and scholarships for Malay students, the promotion of Malay culture and religion, and so on. These privileges accorded to Malays also implied the discrimination of non-Malays in the business sector, reduced intake into higher educational institutions, denial of scholarship, and a reduction in the space for the promotion of the ethnic and cultural rights of the non-Malays (Ramasamy 2004: 151). The notable point is that nobody can challenge the ‘special rights’ granted to Malays, since the Malaysian Constitution does not allow any discussion on these ‘sensitive’ issues.

Political Representation
In the aftermath of the riots of 1969, politics in Malaysia has shifted from an ethnic-elite cooperation mechanism to a Malay hegemonic system. In the changed political scenario, the UMNO has played a predominant role in championing the privileges of Malays on the grounds of their indigenous status, which has seeded dissonance among the sections of non-Malays. According to P. Ramasamy, non-Malay political parties within the ruling coalition Barisan National (BN) function without any real power, and therefore inter-ethnic bargaining and compromise does not exist in any real sense (Ramasamy 2004: 151).

The change in power relations in the BN coalition has posed serious difficulties for the effective representation of numerically-weaker ethnic groups, such as Indians. Given the absence of inter-elite bargaining and compromise, the MIC, the biggest Indian political party and  a constituent of the ruling coalition government at the centre since independence does not have much political clout and has not been able to do anything substantial to improve the lot of the Indians. In contrast, with allegations of corruption and little regard for the plight of the Indian community the party today has lost its credibility as the voice of the marginalized sections of the peoples of Indian origin in Malaysia (Sundararaman 2009). The results of the last general elections of 2008 clearly indicate that the MIC has lost the confidence and popular support amongst the Indian community. The party had to face a massive defeat in the Parliamentary elections, even the party’s longest serving president (1979-2010) Dato Seri S. Samy Vellu lost the seat to his ethnic Indian opponent, R. Jeyakumar, who was contesting for the multi-racial party PKR (Parti Keadilan Rakyat) (Shekhar 2008:). At present, there is no single powerful political party in the Parliament or in the local legislative bodies which can raise its voice to protect the interests of the Indian community in Malaysia.

Socio-Economic Marginalization
The shift from an ethnic-elite cooperation mechanism to a Malay hegemonic model of politics in the aftermath of the 1969 ethnic riots has been particularly hard on numerically-weaker ethnic communities in the country. Constituting nearly eight percent of the population, Indians have been adversely affected by the pro-Malay policies (Bumiputera policies) of the regime. Although the Chinese have been affected in a political sense, their economic clout has mitigated the worst effects of the Malay hegemonic model. Meanwhile Indians, being numerically small and economically weak, have to suffer with the full brunt of government policies that prioritise Malay interests (Ramasamy 2004: 152).

As long as Malay interests are prioritised under the model of Malay hegemony, it becomes very difficult for Indians to get a fair chance. According to a prominent Malaysian Indian scholar P. Ramasamy, without the necessary political support, and in the absence of equal opportunities of development, working-class Indians find it impossible to venture into business and other forms of entrepreneurial activities. Public sector tenders, contracts and business licenses are virtually beyond the reach of ordinary Indians. Even licenses for garbage collection and disposal are denied to Indians on the grounds of their ethnicity (Ramasamy 2004: 156). In the Ninth Malaysian Plan report, it was highlighted that ethnic Indians control only 1.2 percent of the corporate wealth in Malaysia, a decline from the 1.5 percent that they controlled previously (Osman 2007: 1).

It is not that Indians lack the necessary professional skill and knowledge, but it is the particular kind of racial politics in the country that prevents them from seizing the opportunities. Ramasamy points out that people of Indian origin living in Malaysia do not want any kind of affirmative action programme to boost their level of economic participation; they just want the systematic removal of the discriminative racial policies that stand in the way of their progress (Ramasamy 2004).

Amid its social and economic marginalization, the Indian community has faced serious challenges in the last three decades due to major changes in the plantation sector. As mentioned earlier, the majority of Malaysian Indians are Tamils, and about 60 percent of them are descended from plantation workers. As the country progressed, recording impressive economic growth rates from the 1980s, the largely Indian plantation resident communities were left behind, as well as becoming victims to the overall national development. More than three hundred thousand poor Indian workers have been displaced after the plantations were acquired for property and township development over the years (CPPS 2006). When evicted from the plantations, these people not only lost their jobs, but, more importantly, housing, basic amenities and socio-cultural facilities built up over decades. Despite the very large number of people involved in this involuntary stream of migration from rural plantation areas to urban areas, little or nothing was done by the authorities to provide skills training and resettle these communities in more sustainable and improved livelihoods. Thus, the government’s discriminatory policies and the worst living condition of the displaced community contributed to a situation where many Indian youths have turned to illegal activities to sustain themselves (CPPS 2006).

The following statistics collected by various sources apparently indicate the marginalisation and deprivation of the Indians in Malaysia in every aspect of life:

• Seventy percent of the two million Indians are very poor or poor; the national average poverty level is a mere 2.8 percent (Ponnusamy 2009: 27).
• Less than 1 percent of Malaysia’s education budget goes to Indian schools, even though Indians comprise about 8 percent of the total population (South Asian Voice 2008).
• Indians’ participation in the civil services declined from about 40 percent in 1957 to about 2 percent in 2007 (Kuppuswamy 2010).
• About 90 percent of the armed forces personnel are from the majority Malay Muslims (Ramakrishnan 2011).
• 78 percent of the government services are occupied by Malays, while Indians share only 4 percent (Ramakrishnan 2011).
• Indians comprise 60 percent of the urban squatters and 41 percent of all beggars (The Economist, February 22nd, 2003).
• 95 percent of Malaysian victims shot dead by the police and 90 percent of the deaths in police and prison custody victims are Indians (Ponnusamy 2009: 32).

Religious Persecution
Besides economic and political discrimination, religious persecution has been a formidable source of marginalization of the people of Indian origin in Malaysia. In the last couple of years, the growing religious intolerance and Islamic conservatism have heightened the sense of insecurity among minorities, especially in Hindu Tamils.

A number of Hindu temples have been demolished by city hall authorities in Malaysia. According to a report, every one week one Hindu temple is demolished in the country. Between 2004 and 2007, 96 Hindu temples were demolished in Selangor state alone (Ponnusamy 2008: 14). The centuries-old Malaimel Sri Selva Kaliamman Temple, located in Kuala Lumpur, was destroyed by the City Hall Authorities on 21 April 2006 because of a violation of construction laws. It was followed by a series of destructions of many temples in the city and outside. For instance, on 11 May 2006, part of a 90-year-old suburban Hindu temple was forcefully demolished by armed city hall officers in Kuala Lumpur on grounds that the temple was built illegally. Moreover, the 100-year-old historical Temple of Maha Mariyaman was destroyed by the Malaysian authorities in the region of Shah Alam on 30 October 2007 (Gill & Gopal 2010). This incident occurred just around the time of Deepavali (most important Hindu festival, popularly known as the “festival of lights”) and later triggered the unrest that was led by the HINDRAF (Hindu Rights Action Force). The devotees who resisted the government’s act of temple demolitions were doused with water cannons and beaten by baton-wielding security forces several times (Bukhari 2006). The manner in which these incidents were dealt with shows the degree of intolerance and insensitiveness on the part of the Malaysian government towards the religious sentiments of the Indian community.

Temple demolitions are only a precursor to other forms of religious persecutions amongst ethnic Indians in Malaysia. The issue of forced religious conversion has also been at the forefront. There are several cases of non-Muslim Malaysian Indians finding themselves or their children forcibly converted to Islam and unable to reverse the process. For instance, in February 2008 a teenager of Indian origin was converted to Islam (without his parents’ knowledge) by school friends who took him to the religious department where he recited the syahada (proclamation of faith) and received a conversion certificate. He was subsequently given a Malaysian identity card (MyKad) which stated “Islam” as his religion. The teenager still practices Hinduism and wants to leave Islam but cannot revert to his religion of choice, as he faces a tough legal battle in the Syariah Courts (Gill & Gopal 2010). Such cases are not limited to Hindus only. A similar case involving an Indian, Sikh Mohan Singh, occurred in the region of Shah Alam. On 4 June 2009, the Syariah High Court of Shah Alam ruled that Mohan Singh was a Muslim at the time of his death and should be buried according to Muslim rites. However, Mohan’s family claimed that he had neither converted nor practiced Islam (Gill & Gopal 2010). There are many such cases of conversion to Islam, either voluntary or forced upon the ethnic Indian community, which has caused fear and apprehensions among the group.

However, in order to dispel apprehensions of non- Muslims over the conversion of minors, in April 2009, the government of Prime Minister Najib Tun Rajak passed a ruling that conversion of minors should only be done with the consent of parents (both mother and father). Many Muslim organizations like Pembela criticised the move. Finally, the decision came under the purview of the Sultans of Malaysia, the final authority on issues related to Islam in Malaysia, who have deferred a decision on the issue (Jha 2009). The predominance of Shariah courts on religious affairs has created dissent among non-Muslim communities. Therefore, there have been demands for reverting to the pre-1988 arrangement where both civil and Shariah courts’ jurisdictions were demarcated (Jha 2009). It was Prime Minister Mahathir who led the Islamisation of administration, education and judiciary in the 1980s (which still continues in some ways) to fulfill his political ambitions.

The lack of sensitivity on the part of the Malaysian authorities in dealing with the issues of temple demolition, religious conversion and other issues have led to massive outcries from the Indian community. As Mohamed Osman states:

 “The attitude of government officials, many of whom are Muslims, is reflective of a new sense of religious superiority that many Malaysian Muslims feel. These Muslims feel that with the introduction of Islam Hadhari as a new model of development for Malaysia, the position of Islam has been elevated and many feel little need to show respect for other religious groups” (Osman 2007: 2).

The HINDRAF Movement
The unrest and grievances boiling amongst the Indian community for years finally blew up in 2007, when around fifty thousand people assembled under the banner of the HINDRAF (Hindu Right Action Force, a composition of more than 30 non-governmental organizations) in the streets of Kuala Lumpur. For the first time in the history of post-Colonial Malaysia, such a huge gathering of people wielded the portraits of Mahatma Gandhi and Nelson Mandela and demonstrated against the government’s discriminative policies. The Indians who rallied were emotionally charged and angered by the growing transgression of their fundamental rights, demolition of Hindu temples, economic deprivation and religious persecution. The Hindraf champions religious freedom, the abolition of Indians’ poverty and investigation into the deaths of Indians in police custody (Lahiri 2008).

Unfortunately, the Malay-Muslim dominated government of Malaysia handled these non-violent and peaceful protests in a brutal manner, using tear-gas and water cannon to disperse the mob. Several prominent Hindraf members were arrested—some on charges of sedition, and five were detained without trial under the draconian law Internal Security Act (ISA), normally associated with acts of terror and extremism. The prominent leaders of the organisation P. Uthayakumar, M. Manoharan, R. Kengatharan and V. Ganapathi Rao were arrested under the ISA. However, shortly after Prime Minister Najib Razak was sworn in (in April 2009), two Hindraf leaders were freed among the 13 detainees released from detention under the Internal Security Act (Yang & Ishak 2012: 168). Although the Malaysian government crushed the Hindraf movement forcefully, it has emerged as a powerful political voice (not a political party) of the marginalized Indian community in Malaysia, exposing the ground reality of the country’s “multi-cultural” image.

Conclusion
In multicultural Malaysia, the Malays are politically dominant, the Chinese have the economic influence and the Indians have neither.  Indians continue to be looked down upon and mantras like “the Malays are lazy, the Chinese are greedy and the Indians are cheats” are still a part of Malaysian lore, degrading each community. As long as Malay interests are going to be prioritised under the Malay hegemony model, it will be difficult for Indians to obtain a fair chance of development.

However, there is a little hope from the Political Transformation Plan of Najib Razak, who is trying to regain the support of non-Malays, particularly Indians and Chinese, to secure his second consecutive term as Prime Minister. Under this plan, the Malaysian government has passed several bills related to civil liberties. Most recently, Najib has announced the National Harmony Act (2012), which will replace the age-old Sedition Act 1948. According to Prime Minister Najib, “the decision to replace the Sedition Act was made to find a mechanism that could determine the best balance between guaranteeing every citizen’s freedom of expression and the need to tackle the complex nature of the country’s multi-racial and multi-religious society” (New Straits Times 11July, 2012). Although Malaysia is a nation on the path of progress, it can neither ignore the violation of human rights nor appease the rising aspirations of contending identities for much longer.






By Karmveer Singh on February 6, 2013

Touching the heart of Malaysian Race Relations

A Malaysian politician dares to speak truth to power   In one of the most important political speeches delivered in Malaysia in recent years, former de-facto law minister Zaid Ibrahim touched on the heart of race relations when he gave a rendition on the evolving racial politics in Malaysia that has so bedevilled the nation for the past few decades. Delivering a speech titled "Malaysia – a lost democracy?" at the Law Asia conference in Kuala Lumpur a few years ago, Zaid recounted how “a shining example of a working democracy” founded half a century ago on the principles of democracy and egalitarianism has degenerated into an authoritarian racist state that is now characterized by incessant racial and religious dissension and economic malaise. When the country achieved independence in 1957, then Malaya was a model of parliamentary democracy, governed under a written constitution “that accorded full respect and dignity for each and every Malayan.”  If at all there was a social contract – which should mean the pre-independence consensus reached among the founding fathers representing the various communities – it must be one “that guaranteed equality and the rule of law,” as subsequently reflected in the federal constitution. The racial riots in 1969 changed the balance of political power, and the United Malays National Organisation, through the enlarged coalition of Barisan Nasional, eventually assumed absolute control of the country.  With its coalition partners unable to put up any resistance, UMNO became increasingly racist and the master affirmative action plan known as the New Economic Policy (NEP), which was intended to eliminate poverty and redress economic imbalance, became synonymous with Malay privileges.  By the 1980s, UMNO’s supremacist ideology became entrenched and found expression in “Ketuanan Melayu” (Malay supremacy) and it was then that the term “social contract” started to be flashed around to justify its racist conduct. In parallel with the growth of racism was the steep rise in authoritarianism through amendments to the constitution and tightening a host of repressive laws.  The rule of law became so subverted that democracy in Malaysia became history.

Ketuanan Melayu
Zaid said: “the Ketuanan Melayu model has failed.”  This is because “it has resulted in waste of crucial resources, energy and time and has distracted from the real issues confronting the country.” 

Citing the rise of Muhkriz Mahahir (who considered judicial reforms threats to Malays) as a sign of UMNO leaning to the right, he said such trend would mean “more inefficiency, more corruption and a more authoritarian style of government.”  He further said; “We are a deeply divided nation, adrift for our having abandoned democratic traditions and the rule of law in favour of a political ideology that serves no one save those who rule.”

To cope with globalization, Zaid calls for Malays to discard Ketuanan Melayu and re-embrace democracy and the rule of law to spur an economic renaissance of reviving innovation and creativity through co-operation and competition.

Predictably, UMNO’s reaction to Zaid’s speech was a chorus of abusive language from its leaders, ranging from “traitor to his race” to “apologize and repent, or get out of rumpun Melayu (Malay group)”.  And characteristically, none of these vocal critics engaged Zaid on any substance of his wide-ranging speech, which also touched on religion, judiciary, the economy etc., true to UMNO’s traditional role as a bully good at telling people to shut up but unable to articulate why.

UMNO has not only told Zaid to shut up, but his speech has also been largely blacked out by the local press, which is another manifestation of how tightly the press has been controlled to shield the incumbent power from any unfavourable exposure. 

That UMNO has not the slightest intention to carry out any reform that may alter the status quo of entrenched racism and corruption is evident not only from its angry rejection of Zaid Ibrahim’s speech, but also from the thumping support given to party ultras in the current round of nominations for leadership post for the coming party election, signaling a resurgence of the Mahathirist type of rule, and needless to say, more Ketuanan.  BN component parties, which cherished false hope of political survival through a reformed UMNO, would therefore be well advised to take note of this development.

Racial Equality
UMNO’s rejection aside, this Zaid speech must be studied by all Malaysians, for it touches the bottom line of race relations, which have given us so much heartache and headache in the past and yet still proved to be elusive for a proper solution even to this day.

At the heart of the issue is racial equality.  This may be a non-issue in most countries in the world, where racial equality is taken for granted, but not in Malaysia.  Due to historical factors, and due to the intertwining of race and religion and economic disparity among the races, racial equality is a sensitive subject in Malaysia.

Suffice it to say that all races recognized the need for some kind of affirmative action in favor of the Malays and the natives of Sabah and Sarawak as they were conspicuously lagging in the educational and economic field at the earlier stage of our nationhood, hence the birth of NEP.

However, the problem arose when UMNO/BN became too powerful and ruled without any checks and balances.  That bred unbridled racism and corruption in UMNO, and the NEP, in addition to being used to uplift educational and economic level of Malays, was hijacked to enrich party leaders and cronies, who used it abundantly as master key to open up all kinds of channels to state wealth.  As UMNO’s hegemony grew, and through mass indoctrination, many had come to regard NEP privileges as birth rights of Malays, though this belief is fallacious. 

The line between constitutional rights and the privileges derived from a political agenda such as the NEP has thus become blurred and indistinguishable.  It has deteriorated to the point that even a cabinet minister (Amirsham Aziz) was unable to answer a question from Lim Kit Siang in Parliament on Oct 29 as to whether the NEP could be equated with Article 153 of the Constitution, which provides for the special position of Malays and natives of Sabah and Sarawak.  The answer is: no.

It might be thus asked: is there racial equality under our constitution?  The answer is yes, as this is clearly and unambiguously guaranteed under Article 8 and other articles of the Constitution.  The existence of Article 153 does not detract from this guarantee.  The racial privileges granted under Article 153 are limited to the provision of quotas.  And these quotas, which fall in the fields of public service, education and commerce are meant as protective measures, and are to be applied to the extent deemed necessary and reasonable by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.  One must also understand that Article 153 mandates the Agong to safeguard not only the special position of Malays and natives of Sabah and Sarawak, but also the legitimate interests of other communities. 

It will be seen from a study of our constitution that many racial privileges and racial discriminations couched under the umbrella of NEP that have been implemented by BN, particularly those accorded to party leaders and cronies, are extra-constitutional. 

Then, should Malays worry when NEP is removed as suggested by the oppositionPakatan Rakyat coalition?  Certainly not, affirmative action programs will continue to be implemented, except that these are need-based instead of race-based, which should engender more equitable distribution, promote justice, enhance national unity and eliminate abuses.  The anticipated result of this policy should see ordinary Malays enjoying more benefits as the money that would otherwise have been leaked through massive corruption and cronyism could be redirected to the needy.

To UMNO’s recalcitrant leaders who are hell-bent to cling on to this racial supremacist ideology for their personal political survival, they should realise that such racial ideology has already become extinct since South Africa abandoned its apartheid policy two decades ago.  It has no place in this globalised world.  It is an affront to universal values, besides conflicting with fundamental values of all religions including Islam.  Finally, it is detrimental to common Malays for whose interests these leaders have professed to champion, as continued racial hegemony will require increased repression which in turn will cause more political unrest and further economic retardation.  In such a downward spiral, no community will be spared. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Kim Quek comments regularly on Malaysian politics.

Malaysia's Multi-Ethnic Coalition = BN Near Collapse

UMNO may have to go it alone as Chinese, Indian parties crumble

 

Regardless of who wins Malaysia's 13th* general election, expected to be held on April 27, the historic multi-ethnic coalition that has ruled the country since independence will have likely collapsed.

"Whatever the results, the Barisan coalition will cease to exist as we know it because the Malaysian Chinese Association, Gerakan and the Malaysian Indian Congress will be wiped out," a Kuala Lumpur-based businessman told Asia Sentinel. "Assuming UMNO forms the government with Sabah and Sarawak parties, there will be no Chinese and Indian representatives in the government. And that is not a good scenario to have."

The Barisan and the opposition, made up of the Parti Keadilan Rakyat headed by Anwar Ibrahim, the ethnic Chinese Democratic Action Party and the fundamentalist Parti Islam se-Malaysia are embroiled in what is being called the closest election in the country's history, with both sides predicting victory. One opposition strategist said the race would probably come down to a margin of 10 seats either way in the 222-seat Dewan Rakyat, or parliament.

For most of the time from its 1957 inception as an independent nation, the country has been governed by a carefully engineered amalgam of ethnic parties led by the United Malays National Organization, the Malaysian Chinese Association, the Malaysian Indian Congress and, to a lesser extent, Gerakan, which has faded in recent years.

However, in the debacle of the 2008 election, the MCA was left with just 15 seats in parliament. Gerakan, the second mostly Chinese ethnic party, ended up with just two seats. The MIC was left with three. UMNO won 78.

In the upcoming polls, political analysts say the MCA could see its total seats fall to just one or two, roiled as the party is by years of major scandals and political infighting that once impelled one of the contending factions to secretly film party leader Chua Soi Lek having a sex romp in a hotel room in a vain effort to drive him from politics. The resurgent opposition Democratic Action Party expects to claim the vast majority of Chinese voters. Gerakan, whose base is in Penang, which is controlled by the DAP, could be wiped out completely, the analysts say. The MIC is equally riven by scandal and infighting, with its members and leadership gravitating away towards the Hindu Rights Action Force, or Hindraf.

This is not a scenario conjured up by the opposition. It has been discussed within UMNO councils for months as the party has watched the other components of the Barisan drift into disaster. It is at least partly responsible for the rise in race-baiting in recent months as UMNO and its attack-dog ancillaries such as the Malay supremacy NGO Perkasa raise the spectre that ethnic Chinese, and particularly Chinese Christians in a Muslim country, will take over the reins of power.

Ethnic Malays make up 50.4 percent of the population, Chinese 24 percent and Indians 7.1 percent, according to the CIA World Factbook. UMNO sees its chance to keep its leadership of the country intact by winning every available ethnic Malay vote and hopefully luring ethnic Indians back into the fold.

Thus indigenous tribes, most of them in East Malaysia, with 11 percent of the population, probably hold the key to the 2013 election, most political analysts feel. The states of Sabah and Sarawak and the federal territory of Labuan control 57 of the 222 seats. The 165 peninsular seats are almost equally divided between the Barisan and Pakatan Rakyat.

As the MCA in particular descended into chaos, an UMNO operative told Asia Sentinel months ago that UMNO basically decided it would have to go it alone in the 13th general election. While the other ethnic parties will field candidates in the election, UMNO will try to take as many constituencies dominated by ethnic Malays as possible and hope the component parties can have some impact.

If not, the 57 East Malaysia seats -- depending on how the parties controlled by the current chief ministers fare in the election -- will control peninsular Malaysia's destiny. In both Sarawak and Sabah, the bonds of loyalty that keep elected lawmakers tied to particular parties are slippery indeed. In one case in the 1980s, when the opposition unexpectedly took control of the statehouse in Kota Kinabalu, the victorious coalition locked their winning members behind a chain link fence to keep them from being bribed away by the losers.

Should the collapse scenario actually take place, it will produce a "mono-ethnic and unelectable opposition that will be constrained to the Malay belt" in the Peninsula, where 20 million of the 28 million Malaysians make their home -- without the help of the East Malaysian states. Both chief ministers have been implicated, although not indicted, in scandals involving untold amounts of money in bribery for timber sales. They would be pleased to talk to the opposition in exchange for immunity from prosecution.

If UMNO is to rebuild the coalition, win or lose it means its gamble to conduct the election by appealing to the fears or prejudices of its Malay constituency has failed the country at large, and that it must regain the trust of the complex ethnic mosaic that makes up the rest of the country.

"What's left is UMNO seats, high Malay-majority seats," said an opposition political operative. "They might be propped up with some Malay seats in Sarawak, and some Sabah UMNO seats. If they lose, they would have to reconstitute. They have to start moderating their line and to try to get back the support of the minorities. Assuming they hold power, I would assume over the next five years they would have to reconstitute."

It is unsure what the implications are for Malaysian society as a whole. Tension has simmered for decades, since 1969 riots took the lives of hundreds on both sides of the ethnic divide, exacerbated by the New Economic Policy created in 1971 to give economically disadvantaged rural Malays a leg up. Malays get the majority of government jobs and places in universities. The country has been on a 30-year campaign to ensure rising ethnic Malay ownership of the commanding heights of the business community.

So-called Ali Baba companies dot the landscape, with the "Ali" being an ethnic Malay usually sitting behind a polished and empty desk, while "Babas," a nickname for Straits-born Chinese, run the business from the backroom. Billions have been wasted on government-linked companies given to UMNO cronies to run into the ground. An explosive report by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists released today said as much as RM200 billion* was funneled out of Malaysia last year to Singapore, an astonishing burst of capital flight.

"Malaysia's system of holding back the dynamic Indian and Chinese minorities has turned it into a bastion of mediocrity in a fast-growing region," Wall Street Journal columnist Hugo Restall wrote in an editorial today. "The country's best and brightest leave because the cronyism and racial quotas in education and employment hold them back."

Tumbuk Estate: Cleaning up MIC’s mess

Tumbuk Estate is located near the fishing village of Tanjung Sepat. It is a scenic view if one is to drive there, as one would pass by the Morib beach as well as a stretch of mangrove trees. During high tide, the sea water would splash along the road. Beautiful and breathtaking. But this scenic value gets distorted when one goes close enough to see the housing of the plantation workers who lived in Tumbuk Estate along the same road.

Tumbuk estate was at one time owned by Maika Holdings – the investment arm of MIC. One would expect a model estate since MIC is supposed to be the vanguard of the Indians. Yet Tumbuk estate remains pathetic. Except for the school, the houses for the estate workers are in bad shape, they do not have inbuilt toilets, drainage broken and houses depressing. I always wondered why didn’t MIC make this their model estate with the best facilities.

Then they could have challenged other plantation companies to do so. The situation is similar when the National Union of Plantation Workers (NUPW) took a case against the Planters MAPA on the question of monthly wages. One of the reason for NUPW to lose the Industrial case against MAPA was that they themselves did not implement monthly wages in the estates which they owned themselves. Therefore it is difficult to champion the plight of the plantation workers if MIC itself is not prepared to do so.

On April 8, 2006, Maika Holdings and NUPW signed an agreement for a housing scheme for the plantation workers. The scheme is to build semi-D houses for 29 remaining families in Ladang Tumbuk. The agreement said that Maika shall commence construction of the houses in April 2008. Workers were also shown several layout plans of the houses to be built. The beautiful agreement had everything in it except it did not have a date of completion for the proposed housing scheme. The houses never got built and workers have remained in their deplorable quarters ever since. Not only were houses not built, MIC too faded from the scene.

In 2010, Maika after several scandals and controversy was taken over by G-Team. G Team under millionaire Gnanalingam had no patience. His task was to sell all assets of Maika Holdings and wind up the company. They told the workers that based on the agreement, there is nothing binding as there is no dateline. They offered the workers RM25,000 each. Take it or leave it and went on to sell pieces of the estate to individuals who were interested to buy. Meanwhile, water was being disrupted to the workers quarters.

At this point of time, the matter did get referred to the Selangor State Government under the excoship of YB Xavier. YB Xavier met two camps of workers and told them to decide which would they prefer – money or housing. This seems to be the offer on the table. Take the money and leave versus the group who wanted the initial agreement fulfilled. The following weeks ended with more in-fighting between these two groups.

It was at this time that PSM was approached. We went in at the time when the local union leaders had already left the estates, when the people were divided into several camps and when they were under pressure from thugs to take the offer and leave.

More than half the workers took the G-Team offer of RM 25,000 and left the estate, leaving behind 12 families who were determined to get housing as the initial agreement stated. Since October 2010, the harassment was building up on the remaining 12 to take the offer. On Nov 21, 2011, water was completely cut off. PSM then went to the ground, organised the workers, lodged several police reports against the threats, highlighted their plight in the media and held a protest outside the labour department.

The labour department then held several meetings. They were not comfortable dealing with the more confrontational PSM and JERIT and wanted the workers to choose NUPW to handle the negotiations. The workers opted for PSM as PSM had been consistent in fighting for them. Meetings in the labour department was tough with both parties shouting and standing by their ground. A combination of street protest, police reports, negotiations as well as legal option in putting a caveat on the land was employed by the workers.

These actions finally restored the water supply and after a few more meetings, the agent dealing on behalf of the new land owners agreed to build houses for the workers. It was a victory of sorts and it took many meetings between PSM representatives and a company dealing with the owners of the land. Though the housing issue was sort of resolved, other matters such as the temple, etc. remained problematic.

The land owners managed to remove the caveat in the land but they had one more bigger obstacle, that is to get the State Government approval to sub-divide the land as the land is more than 100 acres. The land owners were now finding ways to solve the problems and have allocated two acres of the land to relocate the 12 families and the temple.

As the problems from the land owners slowly subsided, a new kind of problems began to prop up. The remaining 12 families started to split into two new groups and more mistrust and unnecessary miniature fights took place. On the one hand, the new owner cannot develop the land unless he solves the workers housing problem. The land owner claims that the workers kept shifting the goal post every time a settlement is in sight.

YB Xavier, the Pakatan Rakyat State exco was firm in his dealings. He said that the Estate Land Board (ELB) approval will not be given unless the housing issues of the  12 remaining workers are resolved. A field visit by Xavier further shocked him. He could not understand how come the houses are in such a bad shape and had agreed to top up and do up the houses. He agreed to put State Government money in making built-in toilets, doing up the drainage, etc. Xavier said that the State Government will make the houses in a liveable and humane condition.

PSM worked hard to work out a proper settlement so that the remaining workers future will be protected and they will not go into a limbo like the previous agreement. After a few more meetings with the Land Owners, lawyers, etc. finally an agreement was reached and the signing took place on March 26, 2013 at the Ladang Tumbuk school.

With this agreement, 12 workers will get a free 2,600sf piece of land, eight of them who participated in the earlier scheme and who have contributed were paid a further RM25,000 each as well as will be given a renovated unit of their current houses. The temple will also be given 5,000 square feet of land free and a compensation of RM 40,000.
At the signing in ceremon,y many workers were relieved that their issue is finally settled.

Besides the involvement of the State Government, many other people also played their part in solving the issue such as representatives from JERIT, legal advisers for the workers, K Arumugam and Pasupathi, the company dealing with the owner Tamil Selvam and Vannir Selvam. The workers put their signature on 21 copies of the agreement. It is hoped that this agreement will not end up like the previous one.

It was a relief that the agreement has finally been signed in spite of the many internal conflict. Estate workers cannot go on fighting for housing every time an estate goes for development. There must be legislation protecting them. We are lucky in Selangor that the State Exco refused to approve unless housing rights for the workers are given.
Similarly the estate workers future cannot be left in the hands of the State Exco perse but needs to be protected by a legislation.

Najib’s father Tun Razak started the Workers House Ownership Scheme but less than 5% of plantation implemented this. Today Sime Darby which is owned by the Government is the biggest plantation company, yet when it comes to building houses for their workers, they just end of being stingy as the game of profits and returns rules their decision. They forget about the workers who put them there. From ruins to settlement. This is the tale of Ladang Tumbuk. Soon the work to restore the houses is being done. The scenic view along this sea side village can only get better.






ArutChelvam - secretary-general of PSM

Estimated 99% Indians excluded from and schemes meant for the poor and landless Malaysians

Under Najib’s One Malaysia, an estimated 99% of even the pre-existing Malaysian Indian plantation workers as at Independence were denied opportunities in these Felda, Risda and Felcra (also Fama, the various state government land schemes and later the Agropolitan land schemes).

We are only aware that immediately after independence, only about 1% of the Felda Land schemes were allocated to the Indians. In the last 20 years we have hardly heard of in particular any Indian being granted these land ownerships schemes.

In the latest Agropolitan land ownerships schemes, we have yet to hear of a single Indian poor and landless being granted the opportunities. The UMNO controlled Malaysian government should make public at their websites the list of the poor and landless beneficiaries with their names and other details to prove One Malaysia and non-racism against especially the Indians.
UMNO has never done so as it practices open race-based politics and policies but otherwise preaches One Malaysia.

The aforesaid ‘RM 202.2 Million in dividends to Risda smallholders’ and the ‘90,000 hectares under two (recent) planting schemes involving more than 43,000 settlers’ as stated by Prime Minister Najib and Risda Chairman has obviously excluded an estimated 99% of the deserving poor and landless Indians.

Najib said ‘we want to transform Malaysia into a high income population but this must be planned carefully’ ‘Instead of relying on foreign workers to keep costs low, we want to focus on new ways and activities to raise people’s incomes’. (But again the Indians are excluded.)

An estimated 99% of the deserving Indian poor and landless are excluded from the benefit of this RM 202.2 Million, 90,000 hectares and 43,000 settlers. An estimated 99% of the poor and landless Indians even after 52 years of Independence have been excluded from the national mainstream development of Malaysia so much so that the Tamil papers repeatedly reports that Indian mothers are so poor that they cannot even afford to buy milk for their babies and instead feed them with tea and rock sugar water, stop their children from attending even primary schools because they cannot afford the school bus fare and are so backward and illiterate that they are deliberately denied even birth certificates for their children.

This critical Indian poverty could be solved by the stroke of Prime Minister Najib’s pen if only Najib and UMNO also included these poor and landless Indians on the National Policy and Agenda and include them into the aforesaid land schemes and be transparent about it as opposed to the playing politics using UMNO’s supervisor (mandores) system by creating impressions, perceptions and mere promises as has been done for over the last 52 years of independence. The only difference today that it is now under P.M Najib’s ONE MALAYSIA BUT TWO SYSTEMS.

By Thiagarajan Sasayapillai

No need for expert analysis for BN's poor performance in GE12

Why do Umno and the rest of the Barisan National component parties need to 'engage an independent body to conduct a post-mortem on their performance in the recent general election'? Were they so removed from the rakyat that they were not aware of the swelling discontentment that was swirling amongst the ordinary folk?

No wonder the political tsunami that swept across the nation with five states going to the opposition was a complete unexpected shock to Umno and the BN parties. You don’t need an expert in political science to tell you what actually caused the failure of the Barisan Nasional parties.

The principle cause of the BN failure can be attributed to the leaders in Umno. They were under the delusion that they had the majority support of the Malay populace. To a certain extent this was true before the advent of PAS and now PKR.

However failure to realise that the political landscape had changed led Umno leaders to formulate policies that antagonised the non-Malays. The non-Malays were maginalised in practically every aspect of the Umno-dominated government policies.

This marginalisation led to the loss of support for other race-based BN parties like MCA, MIC and Gerakan. In addition, the BN component parties were cowed to such an extent that religious and educational issues affecting the community did not find a voice and they were unable articulate their grievances.

Umno’s mistake was its failure to grasp the current political reality. Umno today cannot claim to be a legitimate representative of all the Malays. With the birth of PAS and now PKR, Umno at best can claim to have the support of only 30% of the Malay community.

In fact, it was reported in the main stream media that Umno's Malay support in the recent election amounted to only 29.6%. The reality of today’s political landscape clearly demonstrates that for any of the three parties - Umno, PAS and PKR - to succeed, it is vital for them to obtain the support of the non-Malays.

They were, in fact, the king-makers of the last election. As long as Malay support is divided amongst the three parties namely Umno, PAS and PKR, the fate of each of them will continue to remain in the hands of the non-Malays.

Therefore if Umno continues to plod along with its old racist and pro-Umnoputra NEP policies thinking that it will garner Malay support but in fact eroding its non-Malay support, it will most likely end up as a political dinosaur in the next general election.

PM Najib’s plea to Indians a day late and a dollar short

 

The prime minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak pleaded to Indian community to support BN in the coming 13^th general elections. He announced that he will ensure that the Indian community will enjoy a better future, just like the other communities in the country. The prime minister added that he would discuss with Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, who is also the education minister, about the possibility of converting Sekolah Jenis Kebangsaan Tamil (SJKT) which did not receive government assistance, to be converted into fully government assisted schools, in stages. Datuk Seri Najib said Tafe College would also be upgraded to a university college status because the institution has the capability to provide technical expertise that is needed by the country. The prime minister said the government would also allocate funds to upgrade community centres and crematoriums and raise the equity for the Indian community to 3%.

Since the election is round the corner all that is said by the prime minister can only be done after the next general elections provided he remains in office. But Dr Mahathir Mohamad who represents the UMNO hardliners have called on Prime Minister Datuk seri Najib Tun Razak to relinquish his post if he is unable to secure a two-thirds majority for Barisan Nasional in the next election. Securing two thirds majority and winning back Selangor by BN is not predicted by any independent analyst so far. Therefore Datuk seri Najib’s position after the 13^th general election is not feasible and untenable as it stands now. Even if BN wins 13^th general elections how much support and authority will he have in UMNO is anybody’s guess. Under these conditions can the prime minister fulfil his pledges and promises? Indian community has seen these election promises in the past but nothing changed.

In 1970s BN/MIC leaders have promised achieving 3% economic stakes. But Indian economic wealth has dropped to 1.2% by 2000. The prime minister is recycling the same figure 3% again. It’s quite understandable that he only realised the Indian equity is only 1.2% just before the general elections and not after he took over the premiership in 2009. Does he have UMNO and Malay bureaucracy support for his pledge? Datuk Seri Najib should get the consent of UMNO and the Malay bureaucracy before he promises. Otherwise when Indian Malaysians go to government departments on prime minister’s pledge, the counter clerk will say that they did not get orders from higher ups. Indian Malaysian had enough of political rhetoric but need actual delivery.

Prime minister’s pledge to turn all partially aided to full aided sounds hollow. Even now the full aided Tamil schools need to appeal to Indian community to refurbish depleted signboards and repair toilets. They don’t get funds on time but after 3 to 4 years and besides Tamil Schools have to run to MIC for assistance but national schools get assistance from ministry of education itself. Why the double standard Mr. Prime minister? Why not set up a department in ministry of education to develop, maintain and formulate progressive curriculum so that every Tamil school student can join form one class and cope his/her lessons and not drop out of secondary schools?

AIMST University was built with MIC grassroots’ support and government fund. But Malays get Bumi quotas and Chinese students can afford to pay but many Indian students cannot afford to pay their fees of AIMST University. Indians students study with PTPTN loan. How will converting Tafe College to university status help Indian students? Again the Malays will have their Bumi quotas and Indian students have to borrow from PTPTN. Mr. Prime minister Indians need scholarships, job opportunities, higher education places in universities and recognition that they are truly Malaysians.

The Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib has been asking for trust (nambikai) again and again. For the past 55 years Indian Malaysian’s trust (Nambikai) on BN was taken for granted and their rights have been denied and ignored. Many in the community are still waiting for blue identity card and rightful treatment in government front office counters. MIC leaders like Datuk samy velu, Datuk Nadarajah etc have betrayed the Indian Malaysian’s trust once too many. But Datuk Seri Najib surrounds himself with these untrustworthy characters and asking the Indian Malaysians to trust (Nambikai) him. Will the Indian Malaysians ever trust the prime minister? Can he be trusted in the first place? Even this simple fact has eluded the prime minister.

Datuk Seri Najib’s BN government spends about RM500 million every year on BTN programs which is indoctrinating Malay supremacy (ketuanan Melayu) concept in the minds of civil servants. Will the 95% Malay civil service having attended the BTN program allocate funds to upgrade community centres and crematoriums for non Malays? The prime minister can give grand promises to gullible Indian Malaysians but will the BTN trained government department counters entertain request for temples and crematorium or do they have a policy on these matters. The prime minister’s 1Malaysia ponggal speech may be music to MIC/PPP/IPF leaders but the large numbers of Indians in Malaysia are more aware and informed now.






From the desk of Senator S Ramakrishnan

PM Najib, Please fulfill your promises to Tamil schools

The prime minister may sound very generous to Tamil schools in political gatherings but the reality is the ministry of education has their own national agenda to adhere to. Prime minister may announce the building of 6 Tamil schools in 2010. He also announced 100 million for Tamil Schools in 2012 and 2013 budgets. But till date no new Tamil school has been built and very little of the first 100 million from 2012 budget has trickled down. In fact the prime minister must order ministry of education in writing instead of making political statements in public gatherings. After Datuk Seri Najib becoming Prime Minister nothing has changed in Tamil schools despite the many announcements. I would like to highlight one of the forgotten promises of ministry of education to Tamil community in Bandar Salak, Sepang.

Lothian estate and Bute estate in Sepang was acquired to build KLIA in the late 1970s. To relocate the 2 Tamil Schools from these 2 estates, 6 acres of land near Salak town in Sepang district was given to ministry of education by the estate management. Lothian estate Tamil school was closed and the school children were transferred to SRJK (T) Salak tinggi. But the SRJK (T) Bute was not closed to accommodate the children from the nearby kg. Chincang, Salak.

Many estate workers have shifted to the housing estates (Tamans) in Salak town. This town’s proximity to KLIA has led to more housing estates in Salak town. Therefore there is a sizable Indian population to support a Tamil school. The parent teachers association (PIBG) of Ladang Bute Tamil School also supported the relocating of their school to Salak town. Since 1993 the school PIBG and the local MIC have been actively canvassing for the relocation of SRJK (T) ladang Bute to the land in Salak town given by estate management in 1978. The kg Chincang parents too willing to send their children to a bigger and better town school in Slak town. But the ministry of education is dumb and deaf to these calls.

In Salak town every housing estate has a national school (sekolah kebangsaan). There are 5 national primary schools and 2 more being built in Salak town. But the request for the relocation of one Tamil school since 1993 is not possible. The local MIC leaders themselves have given up and are now supporting the Pakatan Rakyat to relocate the ladang Bute Tamil School to Salak Town. Parents and the local Indian leaders are concerned that if nothing is done then that piece of land given by Genting plantations in Salak town may be transferred to national school.

So Datuk Seri Najib may announce anything to make Indian Malaysians feel good but the ground reality do not match his words. The officers in district education department do not follow what Najib promises to Indian community.

The Member of Parliament for Sepang Datuk Seri Ir Mohd Zin Mohamad is busy finding fault with the Selangor government and recapture Selangor for BN. Appeals to him too fell on deaf ears. If he wills, he can solve with a stroke of a pen. Unfortunately they only want Indian votes but they couldn’t be bothered about Indians thereafter.

Mr. Prime Minister we do not appreciate all the birthday greetings and well wishes without delivering what you promised. Please deliver the basic necessities such as infrastructure for Tamil schools, more quality education in Tamil schools, education opportunities to those non Malay children who excel in studies, scholarships and job opportunities. The promises of Prime Minister should have been fulfilled in 1970s and 1980s. So it is nothing new. Will UMNO agree to these offers to non Malays Mr. Prime Minister?








From the desk of Senator S Ramakrishnan

Under BN nothing is sacred nor seditious anymore

 

The litany of offenses by the BN is now not only alarming but also is dangerous. The latest, the closed door screening of Tunda Puteri to Felda settlers is not just reckless but is begging a spark to ignite a powder keg created by the BN.
 
Mature citizens have long forgotten aberration in our history. By raising the spectra of May 13, it would seem that all rational thinking has departed the BN political mind set.
It is akin to the scorched earth policy employed by Napoleon and Hitler whose armies lay waste to the land as they retreated from the battlefield, leaving the victors nothing but a burnt out shell of the land.
 
Meanwhile, the ministry of home affairs has lifted the ban on Viswaroopam movie after much delay due to public calls. The film was banned on Jan 25 following complaints made to the Home Ministry by the Indian Muslim Congress (Kimma) and the Federation of Indian Muslim Associations (Permim).
 
The Film Censorship Board made 12 cuts on the film. But the KIMMA and PERMIM made further complaints which resulted in the ministry setting up a special panel comprising of the Islamic Development Department (Jakim) and censorship board officers to review the film, focusing on religious and security aspects.
 
The home affairs ministry made another 12 cuts on the movie and now has announced the lift on ban. I understand that the film distributor Lotus films don’t want to screen the movie after 24 cuts.
 
KIMMA and PERMIM are UMNO cronies and they want to be more Malay than Indian. They have more influence than all the other BN beggar parties like MIC, PPP and IPF. These Indian based parties have no backbone and are depending on UMNO and PM Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak to win back Indian votes.
 
In India itself Viswaroopam is being screened after 7 cuts on the movie after protests from smaller Muslim groups. But in the Malaysia Film censor board has made 24 cuts before lifting the ban. Viswaroopam is just like any other Hollywood or for that matter Tamil movie. This movie has been slaughtered beyond recognition.
 
Yet, without considering the consequences and the possible repercussions, Datuk Seri Najib has ordered the screening of Tanda Putera to 3000 felda settlers. A movie criticized by many as seditious and harmful to the multi racial society is screened to targeted rural groups to poison their minds. On the other hand Datuk Seri Najib reaching out to Indian and Chinese communities with sweet promises with no results yet.
 
PM Datuk Seri Najib and UMNO are now possessed by sheer desperation to stay in power. They don’t care if its action can harm the people or the economy and take the country backwards. They are forcing Malaysians of all backgrounds to choose only UMNO/BN by hook or crook. Where is the 1Malaysia feeling and spirit in these actions of PM and UMNO. Is 1Malaysia a mere vote buying slogan? The PM must understand that action speaks louder than words.
 
In allowing venom to be spat at certain sectors of society by handpicked individuals, the BN is overtly encouraging and even supporting calls for the burning of religious books and the closure of Batu Caves just because it is inconvenient and causes a traffic jam once a year. The founding fathers of this nation, including the PM’s father would never have brooked such flagrant abuse, deprivation and deception.
 
The silence of PM on these issues is egregious and borders on utter insanity if he expects the events to lead to their calculated catastrophe. It is almost as if the BN has given up on anything clean or above board. The exposé on the number of phantoms, the torrid revelations at the Sabah RCI, should have prompted immediate action by the EC.
Instead, the chairman asks an infantile question as to what detergent to use to ‘Bersih’ the rolls! His response, is preposterous, it can only elicit shock and disbelief from right thinking citizens, coming from a person appointed to ensure free and fair elections.
And he has the audacity to say that we can expect ‘unexpected situations’ to occur! All he has to do is to carry out his appointed task with the same reverence as his appointment letter reflects.
 
By his own admission, former PM Tin Dr Mahathir Mohamad, has openly admitted that BN “is the devil you know.” There is more truth in that Freudian lip than meets the eye






From the desk of Senator S Ramakrishnan

Wheeler and dealers short change MAIKA stakeholders

In the year 2000, MAIKA, the MIC’s loss making investment arm was sold to tycoon Tan Sri Gnanalingam’s G team Resources for RM106 million. 66000 MAIKA shareholders had been clamoring for the listing of its priced asset, OCA, by MAIKA itself. But the MIC and their saviors had other plans, shattering the 29 years of hope for recovering their investment.

 

Last year (2012), Tan Sri Tony Fernandez bought over OCA from G Team Resources and renamed it TUNE insurance Bhd, marking it for listing after 6 months of acquisition. It is expected that TUNE insurance will have a market capitalization of RM1 billion.

 

Why were MAIKA shareholders left in the lurch without proper compensation? The 66000 shareholders invested hard earned RM1000 per lot of the MAIKA shares in 1981. All they got back in 2010 was RM800 per lot. And those who took loans had to pay back with interest and many relinquished their loan along the way. Many of MAIKA shareholders were poor who wanted to do their part and responded to the call of the MIC president in 1981. Quite a number died while still in debt. But at the time of selling of MAIKA holding with its priced asset OCA, all their sacrifices’ were for naught.

 

MAIKA directors and MIC promoters got away scot free and Tan Sri Gnanalingam and Tan Sri Tony Fernandez took away the priced asset of MAIKA for themselves. BN and the prime minister conveniently got themselves out of a politically embarrassing situation. But poor MAIKA shareholders who waited for 29 years were dumped. Another let down of Indian saga under BN rule.

 

The RM146 million payment for 74.1% OCA stake by Tan Sri Tony Fernandez would have left clean RM40 million for Tan Sri Gnanalingam to be redistributed to charities. Many ex-MAIKA shareholders expected that they will be included in the charities list. Unfortunately they were left out here too.

 

TUNE holding also bought another 3.75% of OCA from G team resources and 1.92% from GYRSS holdings Sdn Bhd which another investment arm of Tan Sri Gnanalingam and family. In all these wheeling and dealing of OCA shares, were MAIKA shareholders compensated? They seem to be completely left out in the disposal of MAIKA shares.

 

However the real issue is not the RM40 million gain but rather the lost opportunity by not listing OCA by MAIKA itself. It’s really perplexing why MAIKA didn’t want to list OCA on its own. Had it done so even with a market capitalization of RM300 million, MAIKA shares would be worth RM 3 each which is much better off compared to repayment of RM800 per lot of 1000 shares after 29 years?

 

Why didn’t MIC get the support of Bank Negara and ministry of finance and list the OCA in BURSA Malaysia themselves? Is MIC hiding something from MAIKA shareholders? At least TUNE insurance could have offered TUNE insurance shares to ex-MAIKA shareholders. Why the gross injustice to Indian Malaysians? Can we trust BN and prime minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak anymore?

 

If the Indian Malaysians don’t wake up, the MAIKA saga of Indian community will be buried and forgotten once and for all after this 13^th general election. Indian Malaysians are short changed once too often. Will the ghost of MAIKA holding resurface before the 13^th general election to haunt MIC and BN? Will the blatant betrayal of MAIKA shareholders by MIC leaders, opportunistic businessmen and UMNO leaders be held accountable?

 

Would the impending listing of TUNE Insurance cause controversy and anger among MAIKA shareholders? Are the Indian Malaysians forever left out not only in government policies but ribbed and robbed of their own hard earned assets? Is there any hope for Indians under MIC/BN rule?

From the desk of Senator S Ramakrishnan