Malaysia after regime change - PAS and Islam

As Malaysia prepares for its 13^th general elections, due no later than April 2013, the long-standing competitive authoritarian regime will face one of its most difficult tests. The 2008 elections dealt a surprise blow to the incumbent Barisan Nasional (BN), and ever since, Prime Minister Najib’s government has struggled to protect its now-fragile majority. After four years of renewed opposition activism, rumours of defection from UMNO (the United Malays National Organisation), and the recent acquittal of opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim, Malaysians will have the chance to vote the BN out of office once and for all.
In a post-BN Malaysia, observers will closely monitor the role of Islam in public life. Much of what happens will depend on the shape of the government that follows. In terms of the composition of a post-BN government, two outcomes seem most likely: (1) a multi-ethnic Pakatan Rakyat-based (PR) coalition in which PAS (Parti Islam SeMalaysia/Pan Malaysian Islamic Party), PKR (Parti Keadilan Rakyat/People’s Justice Party), and the DAP (Democratic Action Party) all participate, perhaps along with one or more East Malaysian parties; or (2) an UMNO-PAS “Muslim-Malay” coalition, again perhaps involving the cooperation of one or more East Malaysian parties. Either way, PAS—an explicitly Islamic party—will be part of the government.

That PAS would advocate for a greater role for Islam in Malaysian public life is undeniable. PAS describes its goals as follows:

• Memperjuangkan wujudnya di dalam negara ini sebuah masyarakat dan pemerintahan yang terlaksana di dalamnya nilai-nilai hidup Islam dan hukum-hukumnya menuju keredhaan Allah. [Fighting to create a society and government that is run according to Islamic principles and the laws which please Allah]
• Mempertahankan Kesucian Islam serta kemerdekaan dan kedaulatan negara. [Defending the sanctity of Islam alongside independence and national sovereignty.]

The prospect of PAS in government alone is worrying for those many Malaysians (both Muslims and non-Muslims) who express concern about the Islamisation of Malaysian politics and society. Moreover, a PR-based government would struggle to balance PAS’s goals with the DAP’s largely non-Muslim constituency. That would make an UMNO-PAS alliance all the more attractive to PAS, while UMNO, whose membership is not restricted to Muslims but is overwhelming Muslim anyway, would likely not hesitate to return to power with a new coalition partner.

Questions about PAS after the BN may reflect the concerns that many non-Muslims in Malaysiahave about the role of religion in public life, and Malaysia’s Hindu minority in particular has cause for grievance on this account. But this obscures the corrosive effects that six decades of ethnic partisanship have had on the prospects for Malaysian democracy. It is a mistake, in other words, to focus narrowly on PAS, or broadly on Islam itself, when anticipating Islam in a post-BN Malaysian political order. Doing so confuses the potential consequences of PAS in government with the factors that have contributed both to PAS’s popularity and to the current state of Islam in Malaysian public life.

PAS itself has not played a major role in the Islamisation of Malaysian politics or Malaysian society. Rather, it was Malay politicians in the pre-independence period (the very same group that went on to found UMNO) who enshrined Islam in the constitution and legally defined Malay-ness with reference to Islam. This was done not in the name of Islam, but to protect what were perceived to be “Malay interests” (see for example A History of Malaysia, pp. 256-257). After independence, with communism illegal, social democracy discredited (through its historical affiliation with a largely Chinese opposition party), liberalism cast as antithetical to Malaysian values, multiculturalism or pan-ethnic solidarity discouraged through the party system, and the bumi/non-bumi split underlying every aspect of social and economic policy, the only “Malay” alternative to UMNO’s Malay platform was PAS’s Islamist platform.

Today, in a society in which economic function and demographic characteristics such as urbanisation no longer distinguish Malays from non-Malays as easily as they once did, core issues such as religion have a new importance for voters whose political identities are constructed through an ethnic framework.

The strategic logic of political competition in Malaysia’s plural society therefore rewards parties seeking Malay votes when they appeal to the characteristics that define Malays in opposition to non-Malays. It should not surprise anyone that when Malay voters find UMNO politicians wanting, they are likely to vote for the only opposition party whose political outlook has not been labelled as “un-Malaysian” for the past half century.

Facing this, non-exclusivist opposition parties such as the DAP and PKR have struggled to transcend the ethnic paradigm in Malaysian politics. The choice for non-Malay, non-Muslim voters has been whether to cast their lot with their own regime-allied (and ethnically-constituted) parties, the “un-Malaysian” multiethnic opposition, or the Islamist PAS.
The fundamental challenge for public life in a post-BN Malaysia is not Islam, it is ethnicity’s dominant role in defining Malaysians’ political identity, and this challenge is just as pressing today as it would be if a new government with PAS comes to power following the upcoming elections. Of course, PAS’s explicitly religious goals are important to note, but there are few things that it could do in government that are not already within UMNO’s capacity today.

UMNO has presided over—and its campaign messages and public policies have encouraged—the rise of Islam in public life. It is tempting today to see what Judith Nagata called the “reflowering of Malaysian Islam” as merely a local instance of a global Muslim awakening, but this misses the very politics of Islamic politics in Malaysia.

In the Malaysian context, the rise of religion is the unavoidable consequence of the politicisation of ethnicity. A PAS-led government might go further than the BN has in prosecuting perceived insults to Islam, or in expanding the domain of Islamic family law, but such worries already mark Malaysian public life. The religious issues facing Malaysia are far deeper than the ruling party’s religious outlook, and having PAS in government is best understood as the outcome of decades of social change and religious conflict rather than a possible independent cause of future religious tensions.

It is reasonable to wonder what Malaysian politics would look like with an avowedly Islamist party like PAS in government, but as always, the meaning of Islam in Malaysian public life cannot be separated from the dominance of ethnicity in Malaysian politics.

The “solution” to the “problem” of Islam in Malaysian politics—if one believes that Islam is indeed a problem—is the same as the solution to many of the other issues that face contemporary Malaysian society: a post-ethnic movement (not merely a multi-ethnic one) in which Malaysians identify, assemble, and act as Malaysians rather than as representatives of ethnic groups in a zero-sum competition for power and resources.
This is what many hope that a PR government would mean, and in rhetorical terms, that is what Najib’s 1Malaysia campaign promises. A recent article in the Economist suggests that many young Malaysians would welcome such a post-ethnic politics. But they will have to wait, for Malaysian politics as BN-versus-PR restates the ethnic politics framework without moving past it.







Thomas Pepinsky is assistant professor of government at Cornell University, Ithaca, NY,USA. His work focuses on comparative politics and international political economy, with a special focus on contemporary issues in island Southeast Asia. His interests include the politics of finance, authoritarianism, Islam, and finding a way to move Ithaca to the tropics.

Pitfalls and danger lurk but DAP has to keep the door open to more Malays

The Democratic Action Party (DAP) is on the right track in declaring that it intends to raise the number of candidates from Malay-speaking communities in Peninsular Malaysia in a bid for more seats in Parliament.

This is an idea whose time has come nearly 50 years after the Peoples Action Party (PAP), its parent party, seized the reins of power down south across the causeway in Singapore. Even as the PAP’s fortunes are on the wane in the island republic, the DAP’s star is shining ever brightly than before in Malaysia across both sides of the South China Sea.

Spoilt for choice

Malays in their political maturity phase are now spoilt for choice after Umno which has consistently bludgeoned the Malay opposition into near extinction through defections, the Special Branch, the Internal Security Act (ISA), the Bankruptcy Act, the Income Tax Act and the like.

Initially, the Malays made for PAS over the years, and then entered the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) after the sacking of then Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim from the Umno Government. Visuals in 1998 of Anwar’s blue-and-black eye – now the party symbol – after a savage beating at the hands of then Inspector-General of Police Rahim Noor, infuriated the masses like no other incident.

The Malays also realised that there was no more room for them in Umno, and with good reasons. The ruling party has since 1987 degenerated from a mass-based movement into a Holding Company of many ‘Sdn Bhd’ or branches virtually owned, managed and controlled by particular families of mini political dynasties – often the term warlord is used – and focused only on plundering the Public Treasury through opportunities created by the government and the system.

The Umno of today, in reality Mahathir’s Umno Baru from 1987 after the old Umno was declared unlawful and deregistered, is no longer in touch with the masses, Malay and non-Malay alike. This is a party of robber barons living it up as if there’s no tomorrow.

Witness Prime Minister Najib Razak’s wife, Rosmah Majid’s shopping sprees abroad. She continues to live in a state of denial, even when the foreign press have taken to dubbing her as the region’s new ‘Imelda Marcos’ in a reference to the former Philippine dictator’s wife famed for buying 3,000 pairs of shoes while the poor in the country lived near to starvation – and this is no exaggeration!

Why DAP but then again, why not DAP!

The question that arises within Umno circles is why any good Malay would be caught even dead in DAP when they can opt for the mass-based PAS or the PKR if unhappy with the ruling party? Umno no doubt still has pretensions of forming a Malay unity government - “let’s share the loot” -- with PAS and forcing PKR to merge - read Sodomy II - with it. These are strategies the party cannot pursue if the Malays are in the highly-disciplined DAP as well in substantial numbers.

The DAP foray, or intended in-roads into Malay areas, comes close on the realization within PAS and PKR that the former has just about reached its zenith and natural potential based on its main Islamic theme. PKR meanwhile is still work in progress in organising the Malay and other grassroots. Although there are many talented Malays and non-Malays wanting to join Anwar’s party, perhaps many folds more than PAS and DAP, PKR needs to work harder on its internal structures.

The DAP will not be eating into the Malay support behind PAS and PKR but will be seeking instead to woo the Malay fence-sitters in Umno areas. These prefer not to be with either PAS or PKR for reasons of their own.

Whatever the rationale, it is good to seen parties in the Pakatan – PKR and DAP at least – progressing beyond lip service in being multiracial parties.

PAS will get there soon, it is to be hoped, because race-based politics is something that will kill Malaysia sooner rather than later.

Assure the Malays of what is rightfully theirs

DAP will be able to woo Malays by pointing out the degeneration of Umno since 1987 and its continued degeneration under ex-premier Mahathir Mohamad, its unofficial Advisor, and its linkage with Perkasa from the right-wing fringe.

However, the DAP would also need to re-assure the Malays that Article 153 of the Federal Constitution and the New Economic Policy (NEP) would be maintained, albeit as envisaged in letter and spirit.

The DAP would also need to point out to the Malay-speaking communities that it would be in their long-term interest that the power over Article 153 be restored back to the King and that the deviations and distortions in the said clause and the NEP be ended once and for all for the benefit of the malays themselves and the nation at large.

There are no other issues that prevent the Malay-speaking communities in Peninsular Malaysia from flocking to the DAP or PKR and PAS in droves.

Malays should not put all their eggs in one basket

It would not be in the interest of the Malay-speaking communities in Peninsular Malaysia to put all their political eggs in one basket i.e. the decadent and degenerate Umno under a super duper corrupt leadership at every level of the party.

The more number of Malays in DAP, the more multiracial the party would eventually become in Parliament.

Hence, it wouldn’t be surprising at all if the number of Malay legislators in DAP, perhaps as many as 35 MPs eventually, equal that of the party’s non-Malay representatives in Parliament. This will reduce the number of Malays MPs from Umno to 35 including 13 from Sabah.

There are 10 Chinese MP seats for the DAP’s taking in East Malaysia - Sabah (3) and Sarawak (7). That assumes that the party, in a worse case scenario, will not able to pick up any Dayak MP seats in Sarawak through its Dayak Task Force. In Sabah, it’s unlikely that the DAP can pick up any Dusun – including Kadazan or urban Dusun and Murut – MP seats or any non-Dusun Muslim seats.

The DAP can pick up at least another 25 seats in Peninsular Malaysia from its Chinese and Indian candidates.

That is the best-case scenario that pundits are now calling. As we go closer to the 13th general election, this forecast can deteriorate or even improve. Whichever it is, Pakatan is expected to trounce BN.

DAP turncoat?

The greatest worry though is that DAP turns traitor! Yes, talk is growing Umno has begun negotiations with DAP for an alliance post GE-13, whether BN or Pakatan wins. If true, Lim Guan Eng, the DAP secretary-general, will be committing suicide for his party. His dad, Lim Kit Siang, and DAP chairman Karpal Singh are bound to resist such a move but these men cannot live forever – legends though they are!

Even if DAP declines crossing over, the new members it picks up from Umno might do what Zahrain Hashim, Zaid Ibrahim and gang did to PKR. This has been a sensitive topic of discussion amongst the top Pakatan leadership. It is a real worry because Umno has the big bucks. The party itself may have little money but the Umno elite feature among the richest people in the world! What is several billion to them when they can rape the country for hundreds more if they get to cling on!

But the wheels of time wait for no one and Malaysians must be brave in facing the future. Malaysians must learn from the horror rule of Umno and BN never to depend on anyone or any party solely. They must stand up for themselves, their rights and the way they wish to live and be governed by.

Otherwise, we would go mad from the all betrayals – past, present and future. So take heart Malaysians and face GE-13 bravely. First step, get rid of Umno-BN. Then insist Pakatan carries out reforms immediately to protect the people from any form of political hegemony ever again.

That is the first order of the day, the most important to prevent us from ever losing our freedom again. Malaysians must reclaim their own rights before they can reclaim their nation.

by  K Suresh & Wong Choon Mei

Malaysia Chronicle

Tahniah Selangor - Budget 2012

Keadilan mengalu-alukan Belanjawan Selangor 2012 yang bertemakan Selangorku: Hasil Negeri Untuk Rakyat yang dibentangkan Menteri Besar Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim.

Bagi pihak Kepimpinan Pusat Parti Keadilan Rakyat, saya mengucapkan tahniah kepada kerajaan pimpinan Tan Sri Khalid yang berjaya meningkatkan hasil negeri serta memastikan pengagihan khazanah negeri secara adil dan prihatin. Anggaran peningkatan hasil cukai (8.23%) dan hasil bukan cukai (40.12%) untuk tahun 2012 menampakkan pengurusan ekonomi negeri yang menjanakan pembangunan yang cukup pesat.

Dengan peningkatan hasil yang cukup baik ini, kerajaan negeri tidak bertindak berbelanja secara tidak wajar. Sebaliknya, simpanan tunai kerajaan Selangor kini telah mencecah RM 1.2 bilion - jumlah tertinggi sejak 28 tahun. Pengurusan wang yang beramanah ini adalah bukti komitmen Pakatan Rakyat terhadap pemerintahan berintegriti yang tidak berbelah bagi.

Jumlah simpanan wang ini harus dibandingkan dengan hutang kerajaan persekutuan yang telah mencecah RM 400 bilion. Jumlah hutang ini amat membimbangkan; tanpa reformasi yang mendalam, Malaysia mungkin akan menghadapi masalah yang sama dengan negara-negara Eropah yang berdepan dengan krisis ekonomi yang cukup parah.

Tidak seperti kerajaan sebelumnya, kerajaan negeri Pakatan Rakyat pimpinan Tan Sri Khalid berjaya menghentikan ketirisan dan rasuah dahulu yang merugikan rakyat sehingga ratusan juta ringgit. Sebagai contoh, apabila Pakatan Rakyat mengambil alih pada Mac 2008, tiada sebarang rekod berkenaan hutang RM 391 juta Syarikat Talam kepada kerajaan Selangor. Walaubagaimanapun, pimpinan baru kerajaan negeri yang meneliti setiap aspek pengurusan wang rakyat berjaya mengenalpasti serta mengutip balik wang yang dihutang oleh pihak swasta kepada rakyat.

Hasil pembasmian ketirisan dan rasuah, ratusan juta ringgit berjaya dijimatkan dan dibelanjakan balik demi kebajikan rakyat. Bagi 2012, kerajaan Selangor akan menyambungkan segala inisiatif kebajikan di bawah program Merakyatkan Ekonomi Selangor, serta menambahkan lagi RM 300 juta (hampir 15% belanjawan sepenuhnya) di bawah Geran Selangorku untuk meningkatkan lagi dana untuk meringankan beban ekonomi rakyat.

Kita mengalu-alukan semua progam kebajikan ini yang memanfaatkan rakyat yang menghadapi cabaran ekonomi yang semakin perit. Sasaran bantuan negeri termasuk rakyat berpendapatan rendah di kawasan bandar dan luar bandar, golongan petani dan nelayan, serta orang kelainan upaya.

Program kebajikan kerajaan Selangor bersifat menghakupayakan rakyat supaya mampu berdikari, bukannya bersifat pertolongan 'one-off' sepertimana yang dilaksanakan oleh kerajaan persekutuan. Pendekatan ini menunjukkan komitmen Pakatan Rakyat untuk memastikan setiap rakyat berpeluang mencari pekerjaan bermaruah dan pendapatan yang mencukupi serta setara dengan kos sara hidup.

Keadilan mengucapkan tahniah kepada kerajaan negeri Selangor dan Menteri Besar Tan Sri Khalid atas kejayaan dalam pengurusan hasil negeri untuk rakyat dan harap kerajaan persekutuan akan meneladani pendekatan yang memprioritikan rakyat ini.

Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail ia lah Presiden Parti Keadilan Rakyat

UMNO Breathes Its Own Exhaust

Members of the Youth Wing of the United Malay National Organisation, who have been long considered brash and rash and extreme in their views and actions, surpassed themselves on the afternoon of 26 February when a group of about 20 of them invaded the Parliament in Kuala Lumpur intending to prevent the wheelchair bound member of parliament, Karpal Singh, 69, from entering the House of Representatives to take part in the day's proceedings and to force a retraction of his earlier utterances.

When debating a motion on the king's speeches, Karpal brought up the issue of being sent two live bullets by post. He claimed the bullets were sent by the UMNO Youth and labeled them celaka. Celaka translates as 'accursed' or 'damned.' They also wanted to confront Karpal over his alleged insult of the Perak Sultan and the Malays by stating that the Sultan of Perak could be sued in the political controversy that is raging in Perak.

Karpal also rounded off his earlier speech in Parliament by declaring 'Singh is King' presumably influenced by the title of a Bollywood flick currently being screened in Malaysia. This statement further enraged the UMNO youths, as it was construed as a further insult on the sultans.

As the UMNO Youth blocked Karpal's path and created a fracas, it is alleged that the security guards and police personnel stood by and watched, not bothering to come to the aid of the veteran disabled MP.

Karpal Singh has said he has not done anything wrong. As a lawyer, he said, he was merely stating the law when he said the sultan could be sued in court. Many senior lawyers as well as the Malaysian Bar Council have concurred that the Malay rulers are subject to civil and criminal prosecution based on the Malaysian Constitution.

Prior to this confrontation, noisy demonstrations were held by the same group outside Karpal's law firm in Kuala Lumpur. Demonstrations were also planned in Penang outside his home under the leadership of Mohamad Khir Toyo, who is seeking to be elected head of the Youth Wing in the coming party elections. The planned demonstration was stopped by the police after Karpal complained they were not doing anything to protect him.

Mahathir Mohamad, when he was Prime Minister was instrumental in clipping the powers and removing the immunity of the Malay rulers between 1983 and 1993 and making them liable to prosecution. Mahathir, when putting forward his case to the people of Malaysia on the need for such a drastic course of action against the rulers, singled out the allegedly extravagant lifestyles of royalty. The rulers of the states of Perak and Johor were singled out for mention.

UMNO including the Youth Wing were staunchly behind Mahathir and there was no talk of insulting the rulers, sedition or treason.

When the withdrawal of immunity of the Sultans and curtailing their powers was discussed and passed by both the Houses of the Parliament, it is significant to note that the Democratic Action Party, of which Karpal Singh, is the national chairman, voted against the act. It was passed with the overwhelming support of UMNO and other components of the Barisan Nasional, the ruling national ethnic coalition

What did Karpal mean by his statement "Singh is king?" Most certainly not an obsession with Bollywood. A closer look at the culture and religion of the Sikhs will provide interesting answers. Most male Sikhs are called "singh," which means "lion," the king of the jungle. Quite often princes and maharajas in India use the title of Singh to denote their royal and warring abilities. In this context, the term "king" was not a reference to the rulers at all.

More than 100 police reports alleging treason and sedition have been made against Karpal. That these reports will not stand up in a court of law is obvious. Karpal should however bear in mind that he would have caused less controversy had he used more diplomatic language, particularly in parliament.

A good grasp of cultures of the various ethnic groups as well as Malaysian history should be made essential knowledge for ALL politicians and aspiring politicians. Most Malaysians, including the Malays, are aware that the ruling Malay party is not truly concerned about the rulers, and their complaints against Karpal and the opposition grate like a broken record being played too many times, especially when not a squeak was heard from these very Malay leaders in1983 and 1993. It only shows their lack of respect and understanding of the laws of the country, parliamentary procedures, and cultures of the various communities.

The fact that the prime minister and the deputy prime minister have not commented on the invasion of the sanctity of the parliament and the intimidation of a wheelchair-bound opposition leader speaks volumes on the conduct of politics and governance in Malaysia.

The Malaysian Insider

Calls made for Indian council in Penang

The Penang DAP Indians want the state government to immediately establish a high powered state-level council that would function as a one-stop agency to manage all issues and matters pertaining to Indian affairs in the state.

In their proposal made to state DAP chairperson Chow Kon Yew recently, DAP Indian members have suggested for Deputy Chief Minister II Prof Dr P Ramasamy to chair the council, which will come under the direct purview of the Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng and his state executive council.

The DAP state leadership is expected to study the proposal and submit its recommendation for the executive council’s perusal and approval soon.

If set up, for the first time the Penang Indians will have a high-powered state government body to handle and manage their affairs.

Under the proposal, the council; namely the State Indian Development and Advisory Council or Pidac, would handle, deliberate, consider, manage, propose and make recommendations on all issues and matters pertaining to the Indian community interests, rights and benefits to the Pakatan Rakyat state government.

This encompasses issues and matters pertaining to the community's political and socio-economic interests and rights such as Tamil school, education, student, scholarships, religions, employment, government tenders, appointments to and functions of Indian based government bodies, and state awards and titles.

The council will also accumulate and disseminate the correct and official information of the state government to the Indian masses.

According to the working paper, the council would initially start off with 11 members comprising elected Indian members in the Parliament, state legislative assemblypersons and local council, and party members.

Its composition would expand when and unless deemed necessary.

Being ears and eyes
Proponents of the council said it will be an effective and decisive highest state-level think-tank and decision making body to suggest solutions and make recommendations to the state government on all issues and matters pertaining to Indian community.

It aims to assist the Chief Minister and the state executive council to formulate policies, programmes and projects to benefit the Penang Indian community, besides being the "ears and eyes" of the state government to monitor their implementation and implications.

DAP Indians said Penang Indians badly needed a council to carry out comprehensive and systematic policies and programmes for their benefits.

The previous Barisan Nasional state government were only dishing symbolic and unconstructive assistance, such as token sums to build temples, repair schools and organise NGO functions, to the Indian community.

They said the community wanted more constructive, dynamic and vibrant blueprint that would upgrade their standards of living and safeguard their political and socio-economic rights.

This was the main reason behind the community’s strong backing to DAP and company on March 8 polls.

“The council would be a one-stop agency under the state government for the Indians.“The Indians role in the state government would be effective, decisive and meaningful,” said majority DAP Indians.

Forgotten lot again
However, their hopes to set up the council seem being hindered by a certain state assemblyperson.

An insider said the assemblyperson had been dragging his feet on the proposal due to fear of losing his prominence and influence in the state government.

“The assemblyperson obviously did not realise that politically the council, if set up, would strengthen his position and influence in the government and party,” said the insider.

At present, many DAP Indians in Penang claim that they have been become forgotten lots since the party captured Penang on March 8 polls, with the help of political allies – PKR and PAS.

“Since the DAP came to power, our existence, importance and sacrifices seemed ignored,” summed up a disgruntled Indian member, who has been a party man for over 20 years.

Many are now supporting formation of the council to rejuvenate and resurrect their relevance and roles in Penang DAP and the state government.

DAP Indian members are now firmly supporting the formation of the council.

They do not want Indian interests being looked after by one particular Indian leader, but rather preferred it to be managed collectively by all Indian DAP members.

“We surely do not want Indians to be forgotten lots in similar fashion that happened in Gerakan in the previous Barisan Nasional administration,” they said.

They want Lim and company to set up the council sooner rather than later.




Athi Veeranggan - Malaysiakini