THE MALAYSIAN INDIAN IN THE NEW MILLENNIUM - KEY NOTE ADDRESS BY PROF. DATO DR. C.P. RAMACHANDRAN

Welcome to the Millennium Conference for Malaysian Indians.

The theme of the Conference as you would have no doubt noted is 'Rebuilding Our Community'.

More than a year ago a few of us were discussing the incident in Kampong Medan and were deliberating the big question of how marginalised Malaysian Indians had become.

And after some discussion we felt that part of the cause for the dire straits of the Malaysia Indians has been the relative non-involvement of the middle class Indian in the effort to help the impoverished and marginalised Indians in the country.

THE CONTEXT
That a wide chasm exists today between the middle class Malaysian Indian and the working class Malaysian Indian is an undeniable fact. It is also a reality deeply rooted in the history of Indian migration to Malaysia, euphemistically referred to as "labour" and "non-labour" migrations. The former category primarily refers to the bulk of migrants brought under the dreaded Colonial indentured system succinctly encapsulated in the Colonial administrator Sir Thomas Hyslop's famous phrase: "We want Indians as indentured labourers not free men"

The non-labour migrants refer to the "literate" Indians brought in to man the administrative and clerical and security services. K.S.Sandhu in his seminal work on Indian migration to Malaya, best describes the genesis of the middle class - working class chasm as follows:

"Once this movement of literate Indians to Malaya began, many more emigrated from the same localities, and found employment on plantations and in other private enterprises where the employers found them invaluable assistants in dealing with Indian labour"

"Invaluable assistants in dealing with Indian labour" is the operative phrase. Herein lay the roots of the mindset of the middle class Malaysian Indian of today. A mindset steeped in sublime ignorance and blind arrogance, even to the point of denying the very roots of our common genetic and ethnic heritage. A mindset that readily identified with the ruling class to subjugate and lord-over our downtrodden brethren. This same mindset persists today in the way we view ourselves.

However there is a big gap in the way others view us. It is of no consequence to other Malaysians that we have Dravidian, Aryan or any other esoteric roots; or that we come in many shades of colour. To them - we are just Indians!

In this beautiful multiethnic nation of ours, we have been and are, either the object of envy or the subject of denigration- more often than not, the latter. The microscopic minority that has achieved the riches desired by all and sundry, remains miniscule and withdrawn from the mainstream of daily problems faced by the toiling underclass majority. In between we have the not so significant middle class that wallows in its illusion of grandeur and is equally divorced from the problems of the vast majority. All this is rooted in history. We need to understand everything in the historical context before we can even begin to comprehend the enormity of the challenges that we have to address if we are to remain a meaningful component of the Malaysian polity in the new millennium.

A SENSE OF HISTORY
Without a sense of history any community is condemned to a time warp of ignorance and inaction.

The saga of the Malaysian Indian is steeped in centuries of civilisational hegemony - from the 1st to the 13th century as socio-cultural and religious "rulers" and in the 19th and 20th centuries as the politically and economically "ruled".

The Indian provided the civilisational foundation during the early centuries of the first millennium for all ASEAN member nations, except Vietnam and Philippines. Thus the historians reference to "Indianised States of South-East Asia" or "Greater India". Lest it be forgotten, it is the Indian civilization that provided the political, social, religious, cultural and administrative leadership for this region. Historians Rawlinson and Winstedt described this era as India's all but total cultural contribution to Southeast Asia, from the first to the fifteenth century. After a lapse of a thousand years these contacts were resumed but in less creditable form. Indians did not return to Malaya as representatives of a prosperous maritime nation but as indentured labourers from a land subject to alien rule. (C.Kondapi: Indians Overseas, 1951)

It is a historical fact that the successors of Greater India transitioned into the "cannon fodder" of the Colonial powers in the 19th century. In Colonial Malaya they were the economic slaves of the British, be it in the plantations or the administrative urban centers.

This position was somewhat maintained in post-Independence Malaya and Malaysia. Whilst there was some upward mobility to professional and middle-class ranks, this was largely confined to sub-ethnic groups that had the initial advantage of English education and that, which placed a high premium on education.

The majority of the Malaysian Indian has been mired in a proletarian under-class status. In 1957 almost 70.4 percent of the Indian labour force was in the rural plantation and mining sectors, 24.2 percent were employed in government agencies mainly as labourers, 3.6 percent in transport services and 1.8 percent in manufacturing. In 2000, 15.1 percent remain in the agriculture sector whilst 62 percent are in the manufacturing and services sectors. This fundamental shift from primarily rural work "tapping rubber" to the urban work of "soldering chips" and "driving lorries" is a reality that needs to be recognized. Is there really a difference between the fetid, unending estate environment and the inhuman squalor of the urban squatter colony?

THE PROBLEM STATED
The socio-economic problems faced by the production-service worker of the 21st century are not much different from that experienced by the indentured labourer of the 19th and 20th centuries. The setting has changed but the problems have not.

They are very real- the low educational achievement, the social inequities and the lack of political or economic clout. This is best seen in the high dropout rate, the high crime rate and the dependence on political and economic handouts.

Indians feature highest in all of the negative statistics.

" The second highest infant mortality rates.

" The lowest life expectancy rates- 67.3 years compared to national average of 71.2.

" The highest school drop out rates best seen in the data that only 5.0 percent of Indians reach the tertiary level compared to the national average of 7.5 percent.
[And to top it all, just recently we have openly declared to the world that our students cannot make the cut under the newly introduced system of meritocracy for tertiary intake!]

" The highest incidence of alcoholism, that cuts across all classes. Alcohol it seems is the greatest leveler of class distinctions.

" The highest incidence of drug addiction in proportion to population.

" The highest number of prisoners in proportion to population.

" And we are told that the largest number of gangs is now Indian gang and that 60 percent of serious crimes are committed by Indians.

These are depressing statistics. But is it all bad news? Not really.

Indians constitute 15.5 percent of professionals in the country.
This includes doctors (28.4%), lawyers (26.8%), dentists (21%), veterinary surgeons (28.5%), engineers (6.4%), accountants (5.8%), surveyors (3.0%)and architects (1.5%) and Scientists. There are also an increasing number of businessmen in the Indian community. The Sindhis, Gujeratis and Punjabis have been formidable businessmen, as are the Indian Muslims.

There are Indian contractors, road builders, oil and gas suppliers and contractors and we are all aware of the Indian who built up a telecommunications, media and gaming empire and the Indian who built one of the fastest growing ports in the country, as well as Scientists and  Doctors who has reached highest positions. Then again these high achievers are more than likely to be the descendants of the "non-labour" migrants of yore.

INDIAN CONTRIBUTION TO NATION BUILDING
It is undeniable fact that Indians have contributed to the building of this country since the 19th century. This is sometimes forgotten.

Indian labour opened up the country. Indian labour opened up the forests, established the rubber plantations, built the roads, railways, set up the transmission lines, built the ports and airports.

Indian civil servants formed the core of the civil service and the medical service. Indian veterinarians looked after animal husbandry. Indian teachers formed the backbone with the missionaries of the teaching service. Indians pioneered private education in the country. (e.g. my father)

But this was at a high and often untold cost to human rights and dignity.
Hundreds of thousands of Indians died because of disease and hardship. In the building of Port Klang alone more than 500 thousand Indians died of malaria.

The 1957 Federation of Malaya Census Report succinctly summarises this point as follows:

"The important characteristics to note about Indian migration to Malaya are that, firstly, the great bulk of this movement has been of an ephemeral character, with approximately 4 million entering and 2.8 million leaving the country between 1860 and 1957.

Secondly, much of the 1.2 million net immigration appears to have been wiped out by disease, snake-bites, exhaustion and malnutrition, for the Indian population of Malaya in 1957 numbered only 858,615 of which 62.1 percent was local born."

The invaluable contribution of the Indians appears to have been forgotten. But some have remembered. In 1975 a local born Indian known by his initials SAJ wrote this unpublished Ode to the Indian Working Class and I quote:

"We tapped the rubber that beautified your homes,
We built the roads that produced your bountiful economy,
And now we live in non-descript squalor.
You pass us by and snigger at our sub-human status,
Not in the least realizing how our blood, sweat and tears,
Contributed to the comfort and the opulence,
You now enjoy!"

Whilst others may choose to forget, Indians should not forget. Indians also played a role in the fight for Independence and in the fight against the communists. It is sad therefore to contemplate the dire straits the community is in today.

The object of this conference is to bring all Malaysian Indians, irrespective of language or location from India into a common forum to discuss the Malaysian Indian dilemma and to examine what role we can each play in helping the community at large. As our numbers continue to decline, in a relative sense, we appear to become less and less relevant. In 1957 we constituted almost 12 percent of the population. It is forecasted that in the year 2020 Indians will only form 6.4 percent. The implications from the political, social and economic dimensions are self-evident. Perhaps in the Census of the year 2050, we may even be classified as "Others"! ( A real possibility)

ROLE OF THE MIDDLE CLASS
In a society where race determines opportunity the Indian is at a severe disadvantage. All Indians must now become involved. The problem of the Malaysian Indian community is our problem as well. We must acknowledge it. It is our problem because the displaced, alienated Malaysian Indian working class individual that gets embroiled in crime and other socially unacceptable practices is not going to discriminate on the basis of ethnicity in targeting his next victim. He is just as likely to rob our homes or kill us as he would others. Why should he discriminate in our favour when we have not done him or his family any favours?

We cannot like the proverbial ostrich pretend that it is someone else's problem. It is ours and ours alone. This is precisely why we need to build the bridges of social inclusion.

We are all Indians. Whatever the precise shade of our complexions or shape of our noses, those outside the community perceive us, as Indians. We should not be ashamed of belonging to the Indian community. We have a common value system born in the cradle of the Indian civilization. We come from one of the oldest civilizations in the world and this behoves us to carry ourselves with dignity and distinction.

NEED TO ADOPT THE LEARNING PARADIGM
The adage " knowledge is power "is often used, but what does it really mean to the individual and the community?

We can only be categorised as mindless robots if we repeat platitudes but do not attempt to understand the real import! Worse still if we do not put to use what we acquire as information and internalise it as knowledge for the betterment of self and the community at large.

Pursuing knowledge for the sake of knowledge is indeed the domain of philosophers in the Socratic tradition. Theirs' was a cerebral exercise - to expand and extend the limits of logical thinking and to postulate on the intricacies and the vagaries of life. They had their utility in providing the intellectual tradition for the human civilization.

We can't all be Plato or Aristotle, but we can certainly use the information available in this wondrous, yet daunting, era of the information society, to upgrade our knowledge and skills to make ourselves better human beings.

For this, we have to rise above the level of textbook knowledge. We have to stop gloating that we are educated, we are professionals, what have you…

To be called "educated" one needs to translate the knowledge acquired to strive for a higher and higher quality of life in the spiritual, intellectual and of course the material dimensions.

It is so very easy to escape into the world of social snobbery using our so-called professional -cum-educated status in society. However, deep in our souls we know, it is certainly most difficult to be recognised as a truly educated person.

It is not the paper qualifications, but the possession of the mindset to constantly strive for knowledge and thus a better understanding of the rapidly changing world, that qualifies one to attain the humble membership of the society of the educated.

Thus as a community we need to adopt a learning paradigm. Let us cast aside our false pretences, our flawed assumptions and our predisposition for myth making. That should be the start to opening up a whole world of knowledge for the larger good of the community.

In my humble opinion, the Malaysian Indian needs to rediscover the passion for learning and the thirst for knowledge. Then from a civilisational perspective, Malaysian Indian community can reconstruct the glory of past millennia and become meaningful players in the Malaysia of the new millennium.

WAY FORWARD
The reason for this conference is to establish a coherent framework of action to guide individuals, groups and institutions to bring to bear resources, to first resolve the inimical problems and second to build a spirit of self-reliance.

It is only through a sense of history can the Malaysian Indian see himself or herself as a person of self-worth and self-reliance. The achievement of this state of consciousness can only come about if the Malaysian Indian middle-class, unprecedented as it is, takes the bold step to actively build bridges to engage the under-class majority. We cannot afford to continue be polarized along the axis of opposition between productive, information-rich, affluent groups and impoverished groups that are economically devalued and socially excluded.

In my view to be socially and economically excluded is unfortunate, but to be "included" and not do anything about it to benefit the society we live in, is blatantly criminal. We all have important and invaluable roles to play. We need to target segments of the population to bring about "hubs of learning" to facilitate innovation, creativity and entrepreneurship. Value creation that results from this will contribute to economic development.

Let us do it in small yet meaningful ways; mini-projects in schools, places of worship, homes, and community centres. What is required is a total effort by all sectors of society. Sustainability in implementation of programmes and projects is critical.

Getting people involved in the process of transformation is key. It must be people-driven. Of course people must want to change. We cannot afford to subscribe to the view that one NGO's, one political party's or one government agency's approach is the panacea for all problems. Blind arrogance should not be allowed to control the way we need to respond to challenges. History should not be allowed to repeat itself.

Can we not learn some lessons from our chequered history in this land of milk and honey? Surely as individuals we need to first make the commitment to life-long learning. Second, we can make someone, somewhere information-rich by sharing our tacit knowledge, on a daily basis. The true meaning of prosperity for Malaysian Indian in the new millennium can be an abiding reality, if we can all make this commitment today. The paths to prosperity begin with you!

CONCLUSION
If as a community we do not want to be marginalised to occupy the "exalted" positions on the periphery of society, we need to make a positive start by understanding the basis of the real problems and challenges. Then and only then will our future be secure.

This indeed is a unique moment in history to rise above the petty prejudices and ignorance and to take actions that will ensure the Malaysian Indian a rightful place in the Malaysia of the new millennium.

It is battle for the hearts and minds and it must begin with the self-realisation that it is "our problem", not someone else's. We can mobilize the resources if we have the vision and the will to change our mindset.

Finally, I hope that cognizant of the aspirations of all other Malaysian communities, you would conduct your deliberations in a constructive and objective manner.

In this regard, I would like to share with you the words of wisdom given to us by none other than the late Indian philosopher par excellence, Dr.S.Radhakrishnan:" We may become learned and skilled, but if we do not have some kind of purpose in our life, our lives themselves become blind, blundering and bitter. For a truly cultured mind, there is a single-mindedness, a dedication to a single purpose. For the uncultured mind, the whole life is scattered in many directions. Therefore it is essential that the education you acquire should give you not merely learning and skill but endow you with a definite purpose in life. What that purpose is, you have to define for yourself".

As for today and tomorrow, it is my fervent hope that you would single-mindedly focus on charting the course for the advancement of the Malaysian Indian in the new millennium.

THE MALAYSIAN INDIAN IN THE NEW MILLENNIUM:

KEY NOTE ADDRESS BY PROF. DATO DR. C.P. RAMACHANDRAN

Racial poisoning hits BN, leaving Chinese parties drained and Umno vulnerable

1957 saw the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) and Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) work together to achieve the country’s independence. Together, the three parties formed a coalition that collectively represented the welfare of all three of the majority races. It was our first act of unity, and it gave us our independence.

Fast-forward 54 years to present day, and we see the now larger coalition unravelling at the seams, with Chinese-based components MCA, SUPP and Gerakan at the zones of greatest pressure, and many say past the point of return.

It takes both hands to clap, and in any polygamous relationship all parties have to bear the blame whenever there is divorce albeit in differing degrees. In the case of the BN coalition, the party most faulted is UMNO. Although, it always held the leadeship position due to the Malay electorate being the largest at some 60 per cent, UMNO became overly greedy through the years. Not that its partners were blameless, but UMNO was the aggressor, willing even to cannibalise the BN to feed its own ambitions and goals.

Leave, not join BN
A telltale sign of distress within the coalition came in the form of a rare outburst from SUPP president George Chan. Shedding a harsh light on the state of equality across the parties within BN, he recently advised the opposition’s Democratic Action Party (DAP) not to join the coalition and openly admitted that it gives no priority to its Chinese-majority members.

There have been speculations, and even calls for SUPP, MCA and Gerakan to team up and leave the coalition. The three parties have performed poorly in recent elections, with SUPP losing most of its contested seats in April’s Sarawak state elections, Gerakan losing control of Penang for the first time since 1969 and MCA retaining only 15 parliamentary seats, less than half of what they had before.

With the opposition coalition gaining popularity, the three BN Chinese-majority parties are increasingly being accused of not serving and representing the welfare of the Chinese community within the government. The recent years have seen the media, bloggers and even Facebook groups call for the parties to leave BN, if only to reinstate their credibility as the Chinese representatives. They came close, but not quite close enough.

A SUPP leader told Malaysia Chronicle earlier this month that the three parties had late last year discussed plans to leave BN but had not the will to carry through.

This has left many disgruntled and disappointed in their representatives. Now, with the people’s spirits still high from the adrenaline rush that was Bersih 2.0, Chan’s public outburst of discontent at BN and the General Elections coming up, change seems to be the mantra for all and the views are growing by the day that the only way the three parties can stave off extinction was to turn independent.

Colour-blind and policy-centred
Whether BN or more to the point, UMNO, admits it or not, ties between the race-based parties are now under such strain that the very coalition that gave us our independence is struggling to hold onto power.

However, whether or not the Chinese majority parties leave the BN, join the opposition, or form their own group, it would do little or nothing to appease the undercurrent of racial discord in the country. Racial politics may have had its place half a century ago, but times now have changed.

As has been said time and time again, Malaysia needs to steer herself towards a political system that is colour-blind and policy-centered. Leaving coalitions and forming parties while only looking out for those whose skin colour resembles ours will only deepen the cracks between races and incite more fear and resentment based on the brownness or yellowness of our skin.

If SUPP, MCA and Gerakan walk out today, sure, most of the Chinese will cheer, and the rest of UMNO will be left reeling and scrambling to pick up the pieces.

However, it would be naïve to not expect some serious backlash and repercussions as consequences. Not only will UMNO clamp down on this “walk-out” with lightning speed; it will perhaps go so far as to suspend or seize MCA-owned national newspapers The Star, Sin Chew Jit Poh and Nanyang Siang Pau or even to unleash its proverbial tyrannical power that is the ISA unto the party leaders for alleged anarchy of some sort, but the parties’ action may also create even larger rifts between the people.

From the bottom-up, it is highly unlikely that many non-Chinese would be supportive of a Chinese-stronghold political group. But it won't really matter for the SUPP, MCA and Gerakan because if they remained in the BN, they would lose even more. There is also the option of working with the Malay parties in the Pakatan Rakyat. As for UMNO, with 23.7% of the population being Chinese, it will be almost impossible to assume power when only looking after the welfare of its own ethnicity.

Ideals
As such, what we need today is a party or a coalition that first and foremost represents not the race of its members but our ideals as Malaysian citizens. With that right step in mind, we can then work on the not any less important factor of transparency within the administration.

Many of us are now second and third generation Malaysians since our independence and have lived on Malaysia’s soil our whole lives. It is time now that we define ourselves, our party ideals and who owns the land not by how long our ancestors have been here, because, really if we did, it would be the aboriginals and indigenous people who should be in power, but by how we as today’s generation of Malaysians want to shape our country and future.

We are a young country, and we are a young people; only 5% of the population is over 65 years old. So, some may say we aren’t ready for secular politics; some may caution that as a people we are unprepared; we are too young. But what relevance does youth have? If anything, as children we pay little attention to skin colour on the playground. Most only grow more racially aware as we get older. It is the old; the archaic policies championed by previous generations that are crippling this young country. We are young, and therefore we are open to the new. Why do we allow ourselves to be governed by the fear of leaving behind the old? There can be no denying that the step towards secular politics needs to be taken.

No one should have more right over a piece of land just because their grandfather set foot on it first; this game of “finders’ keepers” needs to end, or has it not dragged on for too long now?

- Malaysia Chronicle

MIC exist to serve UMNO's political interest

MIC president wants to mainstream Indians through UMNO but its UMNO through its racial policies keep the various Malaysian races sub streamed. After being rejected by Malaysian Indians in March 2008, MIC is trying to reposition but their political master UMNO couldn’t be bothered about their political predicament. It’s Ketuanan Melayu mindset of UMNO that MIC must handle to reinvent itself. UMNO benefited from Malaysian Indians labor and sweat and later chucked them to ghettos and low cost flats. MIC has not learned from past mistakes. The incorrigible Dato G.Palanivel and MIC diehards are still counting on racist UMNO to rescue Malaysian Indians. UMNO will not lift a finger to help Malaysian Indians. All the sweat words of 1Malaysia are only to secure Indian votes.
Prime Minister started enticing Malaysian Indians directly with handouts and feel good sweet words like 1Malaysia but no policy change to accommodate Malaysian Indians into the mainstream bureaucracy. A few well established organizations received a few million Ringgits from the Prime Minister Office but the families in slum areas and low cost flats received nothing. These folks will only received RM50 hamper during by elections, if they have one. Even if the prime minister agrees to give out of political expediency, the bureaucracy will not support. The annual PSD scholarship award to SPM students this year, is crystal clear evidence that nothing has changed even after the march 2008 election set back. UMNO has not changed therefore it has to be got rid of.

After all the big talk that Tamil schools get bigger allocation from ministry education, there is no change on the ground. Many schools do not have proper infrastructure to operate as schools. In Selangor, the 97 Tamil schools are appealing to state government for classrooms, tables, chairs, computers, toilets etc. besides requesting to pay initial school fees for Tamil school students. While some schools get tables and chairs from ministry of education many others don’t. The Selangor state government started building preschool classes after 2008 and now the ministry of education wants to build. There is no policy with regards to Tamil school in education of ministry. It’s all vote buying at the end of the day.

Tamil schools were the political base far too long for MIC. This stranglehold of MIC has made many Tamil schools headmasters and teachers fearful, subdued and find fault among their own community itself. MIC and its cohorts in Tamil schools blame the community and not UMNO for its shortcomings and various social problems. I can see changes within Tamil schools in Selangor. But of course changes will take time and by that time other community will have moved far ahead. Therefore the gap between Indian community and other communities will remain.

Without any change in the socio-political framework, what up-streaming is MIC president talking about? It’s all hot air and empty talk to please their political masters. In private they too complain about UMNO. MIC is beholden to UMNO far too long for it to change. The Prime Minister with his own small Indian affairs department within his office is approaching the Indian community directly. MIC is only needed to be the go along and front face for the prime minister’s direct approach. Indian community is not the Indian chamber of commerce, divine life society, Temple of fine arts, Malayalee or Telegu associations, but the hundreds of thousands of dwellers in PPR flats, low cost flats, squatters in slum and other struggling working people who need scholarships for their children, job opportunities, income generating openings etc. It’s they who dump BN and not the elite business and cultural and religious organizations. The handout and empty promises during by elections are not indicators of Indians votes moving towards BN. MIC/BN and can fool them sometimes but not all the time.




Senator S.Ramakrishnan

Interlok: Umno’s subjudicationist and racist agenda against the Indian poor

Umno’s insistence on retaining Interlok after all the public outcry and allowing only 19 out of 106 proposed amendments is akin to proposing the editing of Satanic Verses and lifting its ban in Malaysia.
 

What is the motive for still being adamant on retaining this book if not for Umno’s racist and supremacist agenda in continuing to subjudicate especially the Indian poor?

It is in direct contravention of Articles 8 and 12 of the Federal Constitution which guarantees equality before the law and that there shall be no discrimination against any citizen on the grounds only of religion, race, descent or place of birth.

We are unable to accept the book whose original version had the racially insulting and derogatory and degressive “paria” word, “dark skinned Indians”, “memamah sireh seperti kambing”, etc. as the racist basis and thereafter retaining the remaining parts in the book for example replacing “paria” with “golongan yang sama”.

The Umno education minister by accepting a mere 20% or 19 out of the 106 amendments proposed by the Interlok panel makes a mockery of the said independent panel. The three Indian representatives were, as usual, ultimately made use of to endorse Umno’s racism.

The lesson yet again learnt from this is that the Indian elite should in future refrain from accepting such “Indian mandore” positions.

We once again call for Interlok to be replaced by the Nov 25, 2007 Hindraf Rally novel by P Uthayakumar (see www.humanrightspartymalaysia.com).

It analyses amongst others the real racial and religious harmony and co-existence that existed even immediately after independence 54 years ago, and which has today regretfully ceased to exist, and the gross acts of Umno racism that led to Nov 25 Indian poor popular uprising.

Also in the hope that the present Form Five Malay, Muslim students in particular, as the future leaders would be able to better understand and hopefully undo the gross injustices meted out to especially the Malaysian Indian poor.

Irrespective, HRP and Hindraf will continue with our struggle beyond Interlok which is really Umno racism on a day to basis meted out against the Indian poor.

Our latest firm and uncompromising stand against Umno racism and religious supremacy is evidenced by the 53 Hindraf Makkal Sakthi human rights defenders being maliciously prosecuted within one week of this month alone.

They are the only human rights activists in the world to have ever been prosecuted for merely being a member of a human rights NGO. Over 300 were arrested on Feb 27, Hindraf rally alone (123 or 109 plus the 14 candle light vigillers officially acknowledged by police).

By P Uthayakumar

Pro tem secretary general

Human Rights Party

Interlok: Time to make a stand

As the drama over the Interlok textbook issue continues to unfold, it is important for Malaysians to understand the context and the stakes involved, and to make a stand.
There are some defenders of the book who have argued that withdrawing or even just editing it will rob Malaysian writers of their artistic freedom and integrity. To these people, I would like to say “hello, where have you been” – Interlok has already been edited twice, in 2005 for Edisi Pelajar and in 2010 for Edisi Murid. Its literary integrity was already compromised by the shedding of some 85 pages even before this latest controversy.

In fact, copyright for the edition distributed free to schools no longer belongs even to Abdullah Hussain but to Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

Hence Education Minister Muhyiddin Yassin’s statement that his ministry “will ensure that any amendments made will not affect the storyline of the novel and the noble message that the author wants to convey” is nothing short of whitewash. According to reports, Muhyiddin is not permitting anything beyond deletion of the word ‘pariah’.
This concession is like slicing off one tentacle from a hundred-headed hydra – a totally pointless exercise. Make no mistake; Interlok is a work that must not be permitted into the nation’s class rooms as a compulsory literature text. Anything less is a vital failure to grasp the gravity of the threat it poses.

The quarrel is not merely with vocabulary or spelling (for example, of ‘tali’ vs ‘thali’) but the overall suitability of the novel with its overt and covert racial messages as a school text.

Starting ‘em young and younger

Concern by many Malaysians that Interlok has been intentionally selected by the authorities to fulfill the Umno/Biro Tata Negara objective of indoctrinating young minds with a warped worldview and national view is hardly misplaced.

Before these concerns are dismissed as imaginary or overwrought, let us not forget that education has long been and continues to be the most politicized sector of the country. Far from being neutral institutions, many of our public sector colleges and universities consciously and consistently promote a narrow nationalism.

It is in the educational sector where proponents of the Ketuanan Melayu dogma have sought to impose their will and polarize our communities.

Their missionary zeal focuses on use of race-based criteria at all levels and in all aspects. It is no surprise therefore that the propagation of the ideology of super-ordination and subordination has now been extended to the schools, and to the curriculum and text books.
As has been pointed out by those who have analysed the Interlok content, why are all the villains and nasty characters Chinese and Indians? One of the key plots turns on the rapacious Chinese merchant swindling the easily duped Malay of his inheritance.

Touted as a ‘historical novel’, Interlok is constructing a version of BTN history and racial stereotypes to influence young minds. Its government-mandated and authorities-supported dissemination and circulation appears to further a carefully thought-out agenda to fan racial animosity.

Drawing line in the sand

Because Interlok is the first round battle (in tandem with the History curriculum revamp), it is important for conscientious objectors to send a strong signal to the Education Minister and his bureaucratic and academic cronies that Malaysians will not be cowed into acquiescence.

We must exercise our right to openly discuss, criticize and protest on this crucial matter. To remain mute will only embolden the apologist wolves wrapped in their sheep clothing of educational good intention and defense of literary freedom.






by Dr Lim Teck Ghee 
Director for CPI

PRESS STATEMENT- HINDRAF RESPONSE TO MUHIDIN YASSIN

PRESS STATEMENT

The audacity of the Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin to purportedly close the INTERLOK issue with the support from their toothless allies goes to show the impunity that the UMNO fascist government reigns  with an iron fist against the sensitivity and feelings of the minorities.

In essence, the Deputy Premier encourages such segregation of its citizenry by imbibing such sardonic literature into the school curriculum for the juveniles.

Such blatant lies that is being disseminated by UMNO media tools such as the Utusan Malaysia and Malay Mail is a clear indication on the political direction of UMNO to maintain their status quo in creating the Master and Slave methodology between the Malay supremacies and fanatics towards the minorities.

All reasoning, logic and concern that had been brought forward by various non partisan and non political organizations have been totally ignored and shot down to ensure that artificial concept of “Ketuanan Melayu” over the minorities is entrenched in the juvenile stages of the youngsters similar to the civil service with the BTN ideology. 

By planting, seeding and enhancing racism through juveniles amongst Malaysians, the UMNO government is steadfast in enhancing its radical, unreasonable “Ketuanan Melayu” nationalism political ideology through public policies for its Malay supremacy and fascist mindset to continue in perpetuity.

There is nothing much to be expected from the toothless allies of UMNO who waits for the bones thrown to them but rather the public who need to rise against such outright and blatant disregard for the feelings of the minorities whose ancestors had broken their bones to ensure that Malaysia is today what it is because of their sacrifice and contribution to ensure that their future generations amongst the majority will prosper in tandem rather than being hijacked by a racist and fascist UMNO agenda.

INTERLOK is not a closed chapter, but a chapter that needs every Malaysian to look into their conscience and question for their peers why do we need racism and fascism amongst us for the benefit of such moronic like the UMNO elites and their stooges.

INTERLOK is a bludgeoning hammer into the aspiration of our forefathers and more particularly into our pride and dignity.

We, at HINDRAF are not going to allow this “Interlok” to be closed but will work with the public to continue to pressure for this literature to be withdrawn ultimately.  

“Rights not Mercy”

Thank you

P. Waytha Moorthy

Chairman

HINDRAF

by S. Jayathas

HRP

“SOLIDARITY MARCH AGAINST UMNO’S RACISM” featured prominently in the Indian Media

Volume 28 – Issue 06 :: Mar. 12-25, 2011
INDIA’S NATIONAL MAGAZINE
from the publishers of THE HINDU

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WORLD AFFAIRS
A protest aborted

P.S. SURYANARAYANA
The racist tenor of a novel, to be included in school curriculum, rankles ethnic Indians, but the government thwarts a protest.

LAI SENG SIN/AP
Members of the Hindu Rights Action Force at a rally against racism in Kuala Lumpur on February 27.

THE detention of more than 100 human rights activists in Kuala Lumpur on February 27 may not have caught much international attention amid the political ferment across the Arab world. However, the relevant issue at stake in Malaysia is nothing less than a public allegation of “racism” or “racist overtones” against the country’s minorities.

Significantly, the Malaysian authorities acted with considerable restraint in dealing with the protest planned by the activists, almost all of whom belong to the minority ethnic Indian community. Not only that, even before the protest was nipped in the bud the Malaysian government headed by Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak, who prides himself on his “1Malaysia” policy, announced that it would look into the issues at stake.

In particular focus is a controversial novel Interlok, written in Malay, the language of the Muslim-majority Malays in the multiracial South-East Asian country. The education authorities have been trying to introduce Interlok (or “Interlock” in English), in the high school curriculum. Leading the protest against this move is the outlawed Hindu Rights Action Force (HINDRAF), a maverick but educated and proactive group at the forefront of efforts to create a new and modern identity for Malaysian Indians. 

The protest march planned for February 27 was given advance publicity, with HINDRAF even internationalising the issue to some extent by alerting several worldwide human rights groups. It was to have been led by P. Uthayakumar, pro tem leader of the Human Rights Party Malaysia (HRPM), which straddles a grey area of the law by being an organisation that has been neither registered or accredited nor outlawed formally. In any case, in the eyes of HINDRAF, Uthayakumar, as its founder, was the right person to launch the protest.

However, Uthayakumar was arrested outside his residence when he was about to proceed to the venue of the protest. Other would-be protesters were also taken into custody at different places across Kuala Lumpur, including the points of entry into the city from elsewhere in Malaysia. As a result, the protest march did not take place, but there was no outbreak of violence.

The Malaysian authorities treated the protest call as an “illegal” act ab initio because the police had rejected a relevant application on the grounds of avoiding interracial tensions. HINDRAF’s counterpoint, though, was that Malaysia’s federal Constitution guaranteed the freedom of assembly and expression of peaceful protest.

After the arrests, even as HINDRAF tried to keep the issue in focus, the Malaysian authorities thanked non-governmental organisations of ethnic Indian origin for prevailing upon the minority community to avoid street demonstrations. The NGOs were also credited with counselling ethnic Indians to get the primary issue addressed through democratic dialogue with the relevant authorities.

As such a largely unnoticed battle for the moral high ground was on between the Malaysian authorities and HINDRAF, some of the latter’s activists began a vigil outside a police station in Kuala Lumpur where Uthayakumar was believed to have been detained. On the whole, the situation remained firmly under the authorities’ control, and the detained HINDRAF activists, including Uthayakumar, were set free, some of them on bail. However, HINDRAF maintained that the supporters who kept vigil were detained in a fresh action late on the night of February 27.

Surely, these events bore none of the hallmarks of the latest political maelstrom in West Asia. However, familiar norms such as “people’s voice” and “political change”, or some variants of these principles, are acquiring new meanings or interpretations in several countries outside the Arab world. The political ferment in the Arab countries may have either inspired or simply provided, as in the case of Malaysia, a topical context for such a new awareness in these countries. But the issues at stake in Malaysia are obviously far different from those in West Asia or in China, where the authorities, coincidentally, went on a security alert in Beijing and Shanghai on February 27 following some mysterious Internet calls for “protest”.

Malaysia, which is marginally coming into focus in this new-wave politics across the world, is already an upscale developing country with a strong track record of overall stability at home and reliability as an international player. The country has at least two very distinctive minorities to cater to – Chinese immigrants and ethnic Indians. 

Since its independence, Malaysia has functioned under a “social contract” centred on power sharing among some political parties in an invariable ruling coalition called the National Front. Each of its constituent parties traces its roots to and derives its daily sustenance from a distinctive social group – the majority Malay-Muslims or one of the other native communities or the ethnic Chinese or the people of Indian origin.

Until the advent of HINDRAF a few years ago, the political space in this minority domain was dominated almost entirely by the long-established Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC). As a key component of successive National Front governments led by the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) at the federal level, the MIC is still a formidable force despite some latent challenges to its primacy from within the ethnic Indian spectrum.

The ethnic Indian community is often seen as a distinctive group with “external” cultural practices and social mores. However, today’s Malaysian Indians, with no political link whatsoever with India, do not wish to be seen or treated in that fashion or in that fashion alone. They do not wish to be regarded as merely the descendants of Indians who were brought from southern India by the British to work on plantations. This aspect of the Malaysian Indian identity, variously seen by the “new leaders” of the community itself and by some sections of the wider society in Malaysia, is at the heart of the latest unease, if not also large-scale unrest, among ethnic Indians there.

Closely linked to HINDRAF, with regard to a number of agendas and activities, is the as-yet-unregistered HRPM. HINDRAF is led by Waytha Moorthy, who chose self-imposed exile after playing a leading role in organising, in Kuala Lumpur in November 2007, a much-noticed public protest against the alleged “marginalisation” of Malaysian Indians in national and provincial fields. The Malaysian authorities outlawed HINDRAF after a detailed political analysis of the movement following the November 2007 protest, which captured unusual international attention.

The HRPM, on the other hand, has “aspirations” of catalysing “political reforms” through an advocacy of human rights for all Malaysians, but more especially for ethnic Indians. HINDRAF was founded as an NGO to work for ethnic-Indian causes in Malaysia. Uthayakumar, along with other HINDRAF protagonists such as V. Ganapathi Rao (also known as Ganabathi Rau) and M. Manoharan of the Democratic Action Party, was detained under Malaysia’s Internal Security Act in the wake of the November 2007 protest.

Over the years, HINDRAF has been widely criticised in Malaysia, including in the ethnic Indian circles such as those of the MIC, for advocating what could easily be dismissed as a sectarian agenda. HINDRAF has not so far evoked the kind of political resonance its leaders have been looking for in India, where the secular credo, in name and deed, often dominates the political landscape. Aware of this, Uthayakumar sought to place HINDRAF on the map of overseas Indians at the recent Pravasi Bharatiya Divas held in New Delhi.

Conceding that the words “Hindu” and “Action Force” in HINDRAF’s name might not hold any appeal for the secular conscience of the Indian polity, Waytha Moorthy and others who share his line of thinking argue that exclusivist labels are not at all uncommon in Malaysian politics. Moreover, HINDRAF is aware that New Delhi considers the issues concerning ethnic Indians to be entirely Malaysia’s internal matter. Successive Malaysian Prime Ministers have also maintained this and acknowledged India’s attitude of non-intervention.

Within these parameters, Malaysian Indians ought to be, in Waytha Moorthy’s view, concerned about the totality of the “racist” tenor of Interlok. Outlining HINDRAF’s position on this issue, he told Frontlinethat it would not suffice if some offensive “racist” words were deleted from the novel before its planned introduction as a textbook in schools. In his view, the tenor of the entire novel itself was unacceptable.

SAEED KHAN/AFP

RIOT POLICE WAIT and watch on the premises of a police station as dozens of ethnic Indians (not seen in the photograph) march to file their complaint against the arrest of HINDRAF activists.

While it will be inappropriate to reproduce passages from the novel considered to have “racist” overtones since a review of it is pending, Interlok is said (or alleged) to portray, in some passages, aspects of the lives and experiences of those who spoke Tamil or Telugu or Malayalam in the Malaya heartland during the British colonial era. In part, HINDRAF’s argument is that such passages might produce negative images for the present.

There are said to be passages derogatory of the ethnic Chinese, as well. But the Chinese have not made common cause with HINDRAF. Another debatable point is whether HINDRAF should have waited for the government’s review of the novel before planning a protest.

Far-fetched though it is, the resonance of the Arab anger in Asia cannot be missed.

by Naragan

HRP