Y.A.B. DATO’ SERI ABDULLAH AHMAD BADAWI
Prime Minister of MalaysiaBlock Utama,
Bangunan Perdana Putra,
Pusat Pentadbiran Kerajaan Persekutuan,
62502 Putrajaya
Email: reduceredtape@pmo.gov.my
Email: abdullah@kdn.gov.my
Tel: 03 8888 8000
Fax: 03 8888 3444
YAB,Re: Truth and Reconciliation Commission on the discrimination and Maginalisation of Malaysian Indians
May we firstly congratulate your goodself and your party in winning the 12th General Election held on 8/03/2008.
As your goodselves have acknowledged the winds of change and the past mistakes, may we humbly propose that your goodselves form the Truth and Reconciliation Commission with regards to the very sad state of affairs, discrimination and maginalisation of especially the 80% Malaysian Indian poor. With the sincere formation of this commission we hope to move forward and grow together from now onwards in the True spirit of oneness, and equality and equal opportunity for all the poor especially the Malaysian Indian poor and mostly importantly humanity. The Malaysian Indians have persistently complained about the following:
(1) Hardly any kindergartens in Tamil schools as opposed to Malay schools and the kemas kindergartens, which literally excludes Indians.
(2) After 50 years of independence about two thirds of 523 Tamil schools in Malaysia are not fully aided.
(3) Indians are not allowed into Mara Junior Colleges, Fully Residential Schools, Giat Mara Technical Schools, Matriculation Schools, Islamic Universities and many other educational institutions save and except the very few to show color.
(4) All deserving Indians unlike their Malay Muslim brothers are denied places in the local public universities especially in the critical courses like medicine, dentistry, engineering, bio technology, accountancy etc. on an equal opportunity basis.
(5) Overseas posting, training, scholarships, placements are denied to all deserving Indian students on an equal opportunity basis.
(6) 30% of this Indian population can’t even properly read and write in the National language.
(7) 60% of deaths in police custody (one in every two weeks) and by police shooting (one in every week) and detainees in police lock ups and prisons are Indians when they only form about 8% of the total population.
(8) Indians have the highest suicide rate (for every 100,000 there are 35 Indians, 8 Chinese and 5 Malays).
(9) Civil service jobs for Indians have dwindled from about 60% in 1957 to about 2% today in 2008 with very little promotion prospects.
(10) Top executive and managerial positions in the civil, corporate, banking, government linked companies, small and medium sized industries are denied to all deserving Indians on an equal opportunity basis.
(11) Hindu Temples are indiscriminately demolished at the rate of one Hindu Temple in every three weeks.
(12) 40,000 children are without even birth certificate in the first place, in the state of Selangor alone (Estimated at least 100,000 nationwide) which is their innate birthright.
(13) Direct discrimination, marginalisation and racism from the counter level onwards both at the public and private sectors.
(14) 60% of police abuse of powers cases are against the Indians (unlawful detention and torture etc).
(15) Affirmative action programs e.g. PNB, Bank Pertanian, Felda, Felcra, Risda, UDA are completely closed to the Indians.
(16) Licenses, permits, business opportunities are denied to all deserving Indians on an equal opportunity basis.
(17) Distribution of contracts, projects, legal work, panel ship etc. both in private and public sectors almost always exclude Indians.
With this we hope from now onwards the Indians would be treated accordingly to Article 8 of the Federal Constitution (Equality before the Law). We hope for sincerity on your part. We hereby pray for an appointment to meet your good self with the sincere view to move forward.
Thank you,
Yours faithfully
P Waytha Moorthy
(Chairman)
www.hindraf.co.uk
Saturday, March 29, 2008
Malaysia’s Hindraf leader opposes ‘only Indians’ deal [IANS]
Malaysia's Hindraf leader opposes 'only Indians' deal [IANS]Malaysia's interest in signing an agreement with India to protect Indian workers is a diversionary tactic intended to keep the latter quiet on the rights of Malaysians of Indian origin, a leader of the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) said here Monday. "Such an MoU (memorandum of understanding) protecting just the Indian workers' rights will effectively silence the government of India on the issue of rights of Malaysians of Indian origin," said Hindraf leader P. Waytha Moorthy.
"There are workers of all nationalities in Malaysia and the country has enough laws to protect foreign workers. An MoU with India will only create discrimination between foreign workers in Malaysia."Moorthy, who frequently visits Tamil Nadu, also called for immediate release of five Hindraf leaders being held for over 100 days in Malaysian jails under the draconian Internal Securities Act (ISA) of that country.
He said: "Hindraf will continue to fight for the abrogation of this Act." Hindraf has demanded that Malaysian Prime Minister Dato Seri A.A. Badawi "table an act (in parliament) to repeal the ISA in the forthcoming session due to be held in May".
The Hindraf leader, against whom an arrest warrant has been issued in Malaysia, also appealed to the Indian prime minister and the Tamil Nadu chief minister to intervene to secure the release of the Hindraf leaders.
Hindraf, which claims to speak for the two million Malaysians of Indian origin, has courted controversy since last November when it held a rally that was forcibly dispersed.Five of its top leaders, who organised the rally, have been accused of trying to destabilise the state and detained for two years under the ISA.
Moorthy also claimed that Hindraf was the "new voice of Malaysian Indians"."The fact that in the March 8 elections, most of the candidates of the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) including (its chief) Samy Velu lost shows that Hindraf is the new voice of Malaysian Indians," he said."The election result shows people no longer believe Velu," Moorthy told IANS.
"We now hope that the Badawi government will now at least stop denying the marginalisation of Malaysians of Indian origin and undo the 50 years of violation of their rights," he said."We have proved people's power (Makkal Shakthi). The Muslim Malaysians and Malaysians of Chinese origin are now taking inspiration from the Hindraf movement and are demanding their rights," Moorthy said.
The Hindraf leader urged the new Malyasian government to "seriously consider Hindraf's 18-point demand", and "initiate the mechanism to come out with and implement concrete plans to correct the economic and opportunityviolations against Malaysians of Indian origin".
www.hindraf.co.uk
"There are workers of all nationalities in Malaysia and the country has enough laws to protect foreign workers. An MoU with India will only create discrimination between foreign workers in Malaysia."Moorthy, who frequently visits Tamil Nadu, also called for immediate release of five Hindraf leaders being held for over 100 days in Malaysian jails under the draconian Internal Securities Act (ISA) of that country.
He said: "Hindraf will continue to fight for the abrogation of this Act." Hindraf has demanded that Malaysian Prime Minister Dato Seri A.A. Badawi "table an act (in parliament) to repeal the ISA in the forthcoming session due to be held in May".
The Hindraf leader, against whom an arrest warrant has been issued in Malaysia, also appealed to the Indian prime minister and the Tamil Nadu chief minister to intervene to secure the release of the Hindraf leaders.
Hindraf, which claims to speak for the two million Malaysians of Indian origin, has courted controversy since last November when it held a rally that was forcibly dispersed.Five of its top leaders, who organised the rally, have been accused of trying to destabilise the state and detained for two years under the ISA.
Moorthy also claimed that Hindraf was the "new voice of Malaysian Indians"."The fact that in the March 8 elections, most of the candidates of the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) including (its chief) Samy Velu lost shows that Hindraf is the new voice of Malaysian Indians," he said."The election result shows people no longer believe Velu," Moorthy told IANS.
"We now hope that the Badawi government will now at least stop denying the marginalisation of Malaysians of Indian origin and undo the 50 years of violation of their rights," he said."We have proved people's power (Makkal Shakthi). The Muslim Malaysians and Malaysians of Chinese origin are now taking inspiration from the Hindraf movement and are demanding their rights," Moorthy said.
The Hindraf leader urged the new Malyasian government to "seriously consider Hindraf's 18-point demand", and "initiate the mechanism to come out with and implement concrete plans to correct the economic and opportunityviolations against Malaysians of Indian origin".
www.hindraf.co.uk
Resolutions adopted at nationwide HINDRAF forum
1. HINDRAF through its MAKKAL SAKTI power has sent a clear message to the Government of the 50 years of marginalisation, suppression and oppression of the Indian community in Malaysia and calls upon the Government to adopt and implement all 18 demands made via a memorandum sent to the Prime Minister on 12th August 2007.
2. THIS FORUM does not believe that the 5 linked to HINDRAF detained under the ISA are a threat to National Security. The Government have maliciously linked them to terrorist organisation in December 2007, being extremist ect to justify their arrest under ISA.
THIS FORUM recognises that the Government felt threatened of losing the traditional Indian voters support as a result of the mass gathering organized by HINDRAF and show of MAKKAL SAKTI (PEOPLE POWER) ON 25TH November 2007 and hence the decision to detain under ISA.
THIS FORUM calls upon the Government to immediately release all 5 detained persons unconditionally and compensate them for their unlawful incarceration.
3. THIS FORUM reminds DAP, KEADILAN and PAS that the spirit of multi racial politics shown and advocated by HINDRAF during the General Elections are a commitment given by HINDRAF on behalf of the Malaysian Indians which is a total shift from previous voting trends. HINDRAF now calls upon the above mentioned political parties to recognize the contributions of HINDRAF by appointing a minimum of 5 HINDRAF leaders in the Senate (DEWAN NEGARA), a Deputy Menteri Besar position in each of the states in Penang, Perak and Selangor and equitable numbers of Timbalan Yang Dipertua’s and councillors from amongst HINDRAF.
4. THIS FORUM calls on the Government to recognize the legitimate existence and contributions of HINDRAF to the country and calls upon the Government to immediately approve the registration of HINDRAF as a Civil Rights and Political Pressure group/organization.
5. THIS FORUM recognises that the ISA is an obsolete act of Parliament and the detention under ISA is cruel, inhumane and against all International Human Rights standards.THIS FORUM calls on the Prime Minister to table as the first act of Parliament, an act to repeal the ISA in the forthcoming new Parliamentary session.
6. THIS FORUM calls on the Government to heed calls made by all concerned citizens and Human Rights organisations to immediately release all detained persons unlawfully held under the ISA and compensate each individual for the loss of years and sufferings they and their families underwent.
7. THIS FORUM urges all Political Parties and the Government to accept the reality that HINDRAF IS THE NEW VOICE OF MALAYSIAN INDIANS.
8. HINDRAF declares and vows to vigorously campaign for the repeal of INTERNAL SECURITY ACT even upon the release of the 5 linked to HINDRAF.
www.hindraf.co.uk
2. THIS FORUM does not believe that the 5 linked to HINDRAF detained under the ISA are a threat to National Security. The Government have maliciously linked them to terrorist organisation in December 2007, being extremist ect to justify their arrest under ISA.
THIS FORUM recognises that the Government felt threatened of losing the traditional Indian voters support as a result of the mass gathering organized by HINDRAF and show of MAKKAL SAKTI (PEOPLE POWER) ON 25TH November 2007 and hence the decision to detain under ISA.
THIS FORUM calls upon the Government to immediately release all 5 detained persons unconditionally and compensate them for their unlawful incarceration.
3. THIS FORUM reminds DAP, KEADILAN and PAS that the spirit of multi racial politics shown and advocated by HINDRAF during the General Elections are a commitment given by HINDRAF on behalf of the Malaysian Indians which is a total shift from previous voting trends. HINDRAF now calls upon the above mentioned political parties to recognize the contributions of HINDRAF by appointing a minimum of 5 HINDRAF leaders in the Senate (DEWAN NEGARA), a Deputy Menteri Besar position in each of the states in Penang, Perak and Selangor and equitable numbers of Timbalan Yang Dipertua’s and councillors from amongst HINDRAF.
4. THIS FORUM calls on the Government to recognize the legitimate existence and contributions of HINDRAF to the country and calls upon the Government to immediately approve the registration of HINDRAF as a Civil Rights and Political Pressure group/organization.
5. THIS FORUM recognises that the ISA is an obsolete act of Parliament and the detention under ISA is cruel, inhumane and against all International Human Rights standards.THIS FORUM calls on the Prime Minister to table as the first act of Parliament, an act to repeal the ISA in the forthcoming new Parliamentary session.
6. THIS FORUM calls on the Government to heed calls made by all concerned citizens and Human Rights organisations to immediately release all detained persons unlawfully held under the ISA and compensate each individual for the loss of years and sufferings they and their families underwent.
7. THIS FORUM urges all Political Parties and the Government to accept the reality that HINDRAF IS THE NEW VOICE OF MALAYSIAN INDIANS.
8. HINDRAF declares and vows to vigorously campaign for the repeal of INTERNAL SECURITY ACT even upon the release of the 5 linked to HINDRAF.
www.hindraf.co.uk
BN Government rejects call to release Hindaf 5
Home Affairs Minister Syed Hamid Albar today rejected opposition calls for the release of an ISA-detained state legislator, citing the need to uphold public security.
"We must react to the country's internal security and public order," Syed Hamid was quoted saying by the state Bernama news agency.
The opposition parties last week pressed for five ethnic Indian activists, including lawyer M Manoharan who won a seat in recent elections, to be freed from the Internal Security Act, which allows for indefinite detention without trial.
Manoharan, standing for the DAP, was elected from his detention centre - soundly beating the government incumbent in the Kota Alam Shah state seat in the March 8 general elections.
Syed Hamid said Manoharan will be forced to sit out of the newly formed state assembly when it convenes.
"You definitely can't be at two places at the same time," he said.
The five are leaders of rights group Hindraf who were detained last December for organising an unprecedented mass rally claiming discrimination against ethnic Indians.
Police used tear gas, water cannon and baton charges to break up the November protest, which drew at least 8,000 people. (actual figure is more than 80 000 people)
The opposition, which now controls more than a third of parliamentary seats, has said it will seek to repeal the ISA - which dates back to the British colonial era when it was used against communist insurgents.
It is currently being used to hold more than 100 people, including about 80 alleged Islamic militants.
"We must react to the country's internal security and public order," Syed Hamid was quoted saying by the state Bernama news agency.
The opposition parties last week pressed for five ethnic Indian activists, including lawyer M Manoharan who won a seat in recent elections, to be freed from the Internal Security Act, which allows for indefinite detention without trial.
Manoharan, standing for the DAP, was elected from his detention centre - soundly beating the government incumbent in the Kota Alam Shah state seat in the March 8 general elections.
Syed Hamid said Manoharan will be forced to sit out of the newly formed state assembly when it convenes.
"You definitely can't be at two places at the same time," he said.
The five are leaders of rights group Hindraf who were detained last December for organising an unprecedented mass rally claiming discrimination against ethnic Indians.
Police used tear gas, water cannon and baton charges to break up the November protest, which drew at least 8,000 people. (actual figure is more than 80 000 people)
The opposition, which now controls more than a third of parliamentary seats, has said it will seek to repeal the ISA - which dates back to the British colonial era when it was used against communist insurgents.
It is currently being used to hold more than 100 people, including about 80 alleged Islamic militants.
Friday, March 28, 2008
Samy, Subra and the mystical handshake
It puzzles me in what S Samy Vellu was doing prior to the elections for the past 28 years, being the most senior cabinet minister under the leadership of Dr Mahathir Mohammad and Abdullah Haji Ahmad Badawi.
We now suspect that what Mahathir had commented prior to the recent elections in that Samy Vellu had never raised issues regarding the Indian community’s grouses in the cabinet meetings could be true. A very interesting fact to note is that the remarks of Mahathir were not denied by Samy Vellu. This denial confirms that Samy Vellu never stood up for the Indian community.
I strongly believe that standing up for Indians was never part of Samy Vellu's political agenda and after reading this letter, your readers would be able to conclude for themselves what was this man's real agenda in politics.
Coming back to the recent scenario, it is obvious that Samy Vellu is fishing for media attention by making abrupt statements and shedding crocodile tears by demanding that "Indians want immediate action", "any more delays would only cause anxiety and unhappiness among the Indians". Samy Velu probably forgot that it was actually his own flawed leadership over the past 28 years that has delayed the implementation of government-related projects for the benefit of Indians, which in his own words ‘caused anxiety and unhappiness among the Indians’.
It is also awkwardly awful to read his desired expression that ‘we want the Indian community to move forward with the other communities’. How suddenly the so-called most senior cabinet minister Samy Vellu got this idea? And that too only after the severe defeat at his own constituency of Sungai Siput by his own constituents?
His real agenda? Approximately two decades ago, the Indian community trusted Samy Vellu who planned to raise holding funds from the Indian community to establish Maika Holdings. The government was very generous to allocate internationally profitable Telekom shares to Maika Holdings. The phantomlike initiative by Samy Velu received tremendous support from the Indian community comprising of all walks of life. The majority of them retired rubber tapers, who saved their hard earned money in the form of EPF savings, bank savings, in gold and jewelry, contributed without hesitation. All these hard-earned assets owned by the poor Indian community went to Maika Holdings in the form of shares.
The self-proclaimed Indian indissoluble leader, Samy Velu, came forward and declared that Maika Holding shareholders are enjoying peace of mind as the fate of their savings invested in Maika Holdings is secured.
What really happened? It is an inevitable fact that Samy Velu hired mercenaries whose only mission was to provide ‘kind and subtle treatment’ by dragging and kicking out Maika shareholders who raised any questions on the fate of their savings during the Maika Holdings AGM meetings. Before performing such an insulting and inhumane act, Samy Vellu should have realised that the poor shareholders were not asking a 10% commission from the salary that Samy Velu had earned as the most senior cabinet minister. The poor Maika shareholders were only asking for Maika to return their hard-earned money that they had invested by trusting Samy Vellu and his leadership.
One victim was former MIC deputy president Dato S. Subramaniam who tried to attend the latest Maika Holding AGM to raise matters of concern expressed by shareholders. He had every right to attend the AGM simply because he was the chairman of Nesa Cooperative Society which had invested a considerable amount in the Maika Holdings. It is also the right of Dato Subra to express his unhappiness over the state of affairs of the mismanagement of Maika Holdings because being the most senior MIC leader who served under Tan Sri Manikavasagam. But what happened to Dato Subra at the latest AGM? He was nearly pushed down by the mercenaries hired by Samy Velu who were wearing fancy earrings with flamboyant hair styles. These people were described by the Indian media as ‘hooligans’. Dato Subra was not the only victim; the IPF stalwart MG Pandinathan faced the same music at one of the Maika's AGM some time ago. He was attacked and kicked out of the AGM simply because he raised some questions regarding the state of affairs of Maika holdings.
Shareholders belonging to the Indian community are now asking Samy Vellu - when are you settling the Maika share money to the rightful shareholders? The latest voice came from the recently elected Ipoh Barat Member of Parliament Mr Kulasegaran who is also ‘unfortunately’ a rightful shareholder of Maika Holdings.
Despite this tormenting situation which has ignited anger among the Indian community in this country, Samy Vellu - who held the MIC leadership for the past 28 years - is now banging on the government's door and complaining that ‘there should be more actions and less planning’ for the Indian community.
It surprises me that Samy Vellu has totally forgotten that he was part of the government that according to him has let the Indian community down. I am able to recall that just a few months ago, the entire scenario was somewhat different. Samy Vellu's speeches were full of flowers for the government related aid and resources allocated to the Indian community. It is therefore highly probable that Samy could be suffering from dementia as he seems to forget things so very fast! Let me reinforce a statement here; It is Samy Velu who has ‘individually’ failed the Indian community not the Malaysian government.
‘Indians slogged for the country for the past 145 years working in estates and construction sectors and found themselves displaced after many estates were closed’. This statement made by Samy Vellu sounds very much similar to the statement made by the national Indian hero P. Uthayakumar currently held under ISA detention.
The words of P.Uthayakumar still rings in the ears, heart and souls of many Indian Malaysians and our dear friend Samy Vellu has plagiarised Uthayakumar's statement. Indeed it looks like Samy Vellu is seriously displaced himself.
And what about the Mystical Handshake? Samy Vellu screams in a loud shout that many Indian families were forced to live in slumps after they were evicted from their land that had been earmarked for the double tracking railway project. A fact to note is that after all these years we never heard Samy Vellu highlighting these matters to the government or at the MIC assemblies or during the election campaign lectures.
Being the former works minister, he must have had some role in planning, approving and initiating the double tracking railway project. Probably he was very much busy with his ‘ministerial duties’ that he forgot the fact that when the double tracking project successfully comes to end so will the homes of the poor Indian families affected by the project.
At this juncture, the Indian community must be aware of the ‘Mystical Handshake’ with his former deputy Dato Subramaniam in the name of burying the hatchet and performing the funeral rites for previous ill feelings and evil deeds.
It is interesting to note that if this mystical alliance never took place Dato Subra would have made use of his influential news paper Makkal Osai to bombard Samy Velu for his past, present and future mistakes. The bombardment did take place for some time until the ‘mystical handshake’ took place, and till today this unholy act has not been endorsed by Dato Subramaniam's close allies from Perlis to Johor. Even the stalwart and the die-hard supporters of Samy Vellu never came forward to endorse the ‘mystical handshake’ of the duo.
Many Indians are puzzled. Under what deal did these two outmoded leaders signed and sealed an unholy compromise. Only Lord Murugan may know (Lord Muragan, one of the Indian deities, is known to have two alternate names - Vellu and Subramaniam).
The mystical handshake demonstrated Samy Velu's craftiness in 21st-century political tricks and gimmicks. An interesting development recently is that Dato Subra and Makkal Osai, Makkal Murasu, Nayanam and Malaysian Nanban cannot now demand or in any way be involved in campaigning for Samy Vellu to step down.
In other words Samy Vellu's mystical handshake that took place in the twilight of the new moon ammavasai has silenced and suppressed the voice of the large Indian Malaysian Indian demanding for Samy Vellu to step down.
Had Samy Vellu lived during the glorious times of the Roman Empire, he would have been awarded with the highest recognition for his wonderful craftsmanship!
The Indian Eye - Malaysiakini
We now suspect that what Mahathir had commented prior to the recent elections in that Samy Vellu had never raised issues regarding the Indian community’s grouses in the cabinet meetings could be true. A very interesting fact to note is that the remarks of Mahathir were not denied by Samy Vellu. This denial confirms that Samy Vellu never stood up for the Indian community.
I strongly believe that standing up for Indians was never part of Samy Vellu's political agenda and after reading this letter, your readers would be able to conclude for themselves what was this man's real agenda in politics.
Coming back to the recent scenario, it is obvious that Samy Vellu is fishing for media attention by making abrupt statements and shedding crocodile tears by demanding that "Indians want immediate action", "any more delays would only cause anxiety and unhappiness among the Indians". Samy Velu probably forgot that it was actually his own flawed leadership over the past 28 years that has delayed the implementation of government-related projects for the benefit of Indians, which in his own words ‘caused anxiety and unhappiness among the Indians’.
It is also awkwardly awful to read his desired expression that ‘we want the Indian community to move forward with the other communities’. How suddenly the so-called most senior cabinet minister Samy Vellu got this idea? And that too only after the severe defeat at his own constituency of Sungai Siput by his own constituents?
His real agenda? Approximately two decades ago, the Indian community trusted Samy Vellu who planned to raise holding funds from the Indian community to establish Maika Holdings. The government was very generous to allocate internationally profitable Telekom shares to Maika Holdings. The phantomlike initiative by Samy Velu received tremendous support from the Indian community comprising of all walks of life. The majority of them retired rubber tapers, who saved their hard earned money in the form of EPF savings, bank savings, in gold and jewelry, contributed without hesitation. All these hard-earned assets owned by the poor Indian community went to Maika Holdings in the form of shares.
The self-proclaimed Indian indissoluble leader, Samy Velu, came forward and declared that Maika Holding shareholders are enjoying peace of mind as the fate of their savings invested in Maika Holdings is secured.
What really happened? It is an inevitable fact that Samy Velu hired mercenaries whose only mission was to provide ‘kind and subtle treatment’ by dragging and kicking out Maika shareholders who raised any questions on the fate of their savings during the Maika Holdings AGM meetings. Before performing such an insulting and inhumane act, Samy Vellu should have realised that the poor shareholders were not asking a 10% commission from the salary that Samy Velu had earned as the most senior cabinet minister. The poor Maika shareholders were only asking for Maika to return their hard-earned money that they had invested by trusting Samy Vellu and his leadership.
One victim was former MIC deputy president Dato S. Subramaniam who tried to attend the latest Maika Holding AGM to raise matters of concern expressed by shareholders. He had every right to attend the AGM simply because he was the chairman of Nesa Cooperative Society which had invested a considerable amount in the Maika Holdings. It is also the right of Dato Subra to express his unhappiness over the state of affairs of the mismanagement of Maika Holdings because being the most senior MIC leader who served under Tan Sri Manikavasagam. But what happened to Dato Subra at the latest AGM? He was nearly pushed down by the mercenaries hired by Samy Velu who were wearing fancy earrings with flamboyant hair styles. These people were described by the Indian media as ‘hooligans’. Dato Subra was not the only victim; the IPF stalwart MG Pandinathan faced the same music at one of the Maika's AGM some time ago. He was attacked and kicked out of the AGM simply because he raised some questions regarding the state of affairs of Maika holdings.
Shareholders belonging to the Indian community are now asking Samy Vellu - when are you settling the Maika share money to the rightful shareholders? The latest voice came from the recently elected Ipoh Barat Member of Parliament Mr Kulasegaran who is also ‘unfortunately’ a rightful shareholder of Maika Holdings.
Despite this tormenting situation which has ignited anger among the Indian community in this country, Samy Vellu - who held the MIC leadership for the past 28 years - is now banging on the government's door and complaining that ‘there should be more actions and less planning’ for the Indian community.
It surprises me that Samy Vellu has totally forgotten that he was part of the government that according to him has let the Indian community down. I am able to recall that just a few months ago, the entire scenario was somewhat different. Samy Vellu's speeches were full of flowers for the government related aid and resources allocated to the Indian community. It is therefore highly probable that Samy could be suffering from dementia as he seems to forget things so very fast! Let me reinforce a statement here; It is Samy Velu who has ‘individually’ failed the Indian community not the Malaysian government.
‘Indians slogged for the country for the past 145 years working in estates and construction sectors and found themselves displaced after many estates were closed’. This statement made by Samy Vellu sounds very much similar to the statement made by the national Indian hero P. Uthayakumar currently held under ISA detention.
The words of P.Uthayakumar still rings in the ears, heart and souls of many Indian Malaysians and our dear friend Samy Vellu has plagiarised Uthayakumar's statement. Indeed it looks like Samy Vellu is seriously displaced himself.
And what about the Mystical Handshake? Samy Vellu screams in a loud shout that many Indian families were forced to live in slumps after they were evicted from their land that had been earmarked for the double tracking railway project. A fact to note is that after all these years we never heard Samy Vellu highlighting these matters to the government or at the MIC assemblies or during the election campaign lectures.
Being the former works minister, he must have had some role in planning, approving and initiating the double tracking railway project. Probably he was very much busy with his ‘ministerial duties’ that he forgot the fact that when the double tracking project successfully comes to end so will the homes of the poor Indian families affected by the project.
At this juncture, the Indian community must be aware of the ‘Mystical Handshake’ with his former deputy Dato Subramaniam in the name of burying the hatchet and performing the funeral rites for previous ill feelings and evil deeds.
It is interesting to note that if this mystical alliance never took place Dato Subra would have made use of his influential news paper Makkal Osai to bombard Samy Velu for his past, present and future mistakes. The bombardment did take place for some time until the ‘mystical handshake’ took place, and till today this unholy act has not been endorsed by Dato Subramaniam's close allies from Perlis to Johor. Even the stalwart and the die-hard supporters of Samy Vellu never came forward to endorse the ‘mystical handshake’ of the duo.
Many Indians are puzzled. Under what deal did these two outmoded leaders signed and sealed an unholy compromise. Only Lord Murugan may know (Lord Muragan, one of the Indian deities, is known to have two alternate names - Vellu and Subramaniam).
The mystical handshake demonstrated Samy Velu's craftiness in 21st-century political tricks and gimmicks. An interesting development recently is that Dato Subra and Makkal Osai, Makkal Murasu, Nayanam and Malaysian Nanban cannot now demand or in any way be involved in campaigning for Samy Vellu to step down.
In other words Samy Vellu's mystical handshake that took place in the twilight of the new moon ammavasai has silenced and suppressed the voice of the large Indian Malaysian Indian demanding for Samy Vellu to step down.
Had Samy Vellu lived during the glorious times of the Roman Empire, he would have been awarded with the highest recognition for his wonderful craftsmanship!
The Indian Eye - Malaysiakini
The ulama and Malaysian apartheid
In American history there is this case of 187 Americans including the famous Davy Crockett who withdrew to a fortress called the Alamo to resist the advance of 4000 Mexican forces. The Mexicans laid siege to the fortress and then executed an intensive assault lasting 12 long days. Needless say, all but six of the outnumbered American defenders were killed in the fighting. The six survivors were ordered killed by the Mexican commander Santa Anna.
This brief event in history can be used to analogize the modern day experience of the Ketuanan Melayu mentality. Ever since Independence in 1957 the Malay mindset has been developing a siege mentality. It perceives that the Malay race is about to be wiped out; that the Islamic religion it practices is surrounded by ‘musuh-musuh Islam’, or enemies of Islam; that the purity of the Malay language is being eroded by foreign influences; that its culture, morality and etiquette similarly are being polluted by corrupt western values.
It was only a perception created by an insecure mind for Malays like everyone else are as capable as the next man. But it has been repeated over and over again in the days, weeks, months, and years on end so much so that it has become a concrete truth to some segments of the Malay community. It is true that when a lie is repeated often enough it becomes a truth.
This mentality then has withdrawn into its fortress Alamo, and began to protect this ‘truth’. It used the emotive ‘untuk agama bangsa dan negara’ (for religion, race and country) to legitimize as well as to provide the necessary energy for it.
It appears that there are two segments or categories of this Ketuanan Melayu mentality. The first is the secular segment, i.e. one that runs the country, namely the political leaders, the civil servants, the incumbents in the public services like the police, military, customs, and immigration. They look into the secular and physical aspects of this mental framework. They ensure employment in the government sector is the preserve of the Malays, and being so non-Malays are restricted.
Non-Malays who somehow got into the government services are quickly categorised either as pro- or anti-Malay. Either way, promotion and career prospects for them are in any case dim and limited. Ask any former non-Malay military, police, customs and immigration officials, and they’d eagerly confirm the truth to this matter. The pro-Malay government then goes all out to ensure a generous Malay bias towards the issuance of licenses, the formation and application of public policies, economic policies, even education policies. The secular leaders create the first level Malaysian apartheid.
Tough decree to follow
Then there is the second segment, namely the ulamas, i.e. those religious leaders who make it their duty to assume the role of religion and morality policemen. They are the architects of second category Malaysian apartheid.
They nurture the elitist image that Islam is an exclusive religion thus separating the Malays from the non-Malays. They enunciate the principle that all Malays are Muslim by birth, and must remain Muslim all their lives. Malays are in other words never allowed to apostate, or to denounce their Muslim faith. Nor are new converted non-Malays allowed to revert to their original religion. On both counts, they claim that Islam is not a religion to denounce at the whims and fancies of individuals.
They insist for Malays and non-Malay Muslims as well as all Malaysian citizens to subscribe to Islamic values. This is a tough decree to follow, because religion is a personal matter and relates to the relationship between an individual and his God: Yahweh the Jewish God, Jesus the Christian God, and of course Allah the God of all Muslims. There are of course other gods like Brahma of the Hindu, and Brahma’s many thousands of manifestations, as well as the other god or gods of other religions and cultures around the world. The ulamas somehow have the view that there is only one God, and He is Allah. All other gods are to them false.
All these restrictions and prohibitions are made despite the Quran’s overt declaration that there is no compulsion in religion. Surah 2.256 of the Quran, the primary source of authority in Islam, expressly states that there is no compulsion in religion.
Together the two segments of Malay mentality work in concert, in perfect teamwork, much like the left hand working with the right. To the Malays these two segments work to help ensure the survival of the Malay religion, or Islam as perceived and understood by the Malay, Malay culture and the progress and prosperity of the Malay motherland of Malaysia.
Perhaps it is more accurate to state that the ulamas have been playing the secular leaders with the simple minded Malay individuals. The ulamas would team up with the individuals (who got the voting numbers) to contain the leaders. In Malaysian democracy number is all important, so leaders ‘kowtow’ or listen to the ulamas as they have the power to influence Malay voters.
Likewise, the ulamas would team up with the leaders to contain the individuals. This can be done by way of controlling the mindset of the Malays. How they do this is explained below. Either way, the ulamas are securing their positions.
The fact still remains that this mental environment leading to this siege mentality, is only an assumption, a perception, even a cultural trait. It is never the truth. It does not help to think that it is akin to the now dead era of apartheid of South Africa. Where is the truth that government servants must be Malays, that all government policies must be geared and applied to suit Malay interests? Similarly where is the truth that all Malays are born Muslim? There are some Malays in this country who are closet non-Muslims. There are ‘Malays’ in Thailand and the Southern Philippines and Indonesia who are Buddhists or Christians.
Where too is the truth that a Malay person cannot apostate?
Another overdrive
Obviously the Malay mindset is working in an environment of contradiction and emotion. The painful truth is that the Malay mind works on the basis of an assumption, even on a lie. It is perfectly understandable therefore that they have retreated into the stressful siege mentality and environment.
They also work in an atmosphere of absolute power, having cast aside the check and balance system of governance in a healthy of democracy, curtailment of basic human rights, setting aside the rule of law, and fusing together the elements of state and religion.
With these in place, the Ketuanan Melayu leadership incumbents went on another overdrive, this time not so much to protect race and religion, but more to take advantage of the awesome power that lies for grabs when these basic principles of democracy are demolished. Herewith is a list of the some of the abuses perpetrated by the Ketuanan Melayu which by now every knowledgeable Malaysian are very familiar with: massive corruption, rampant abuse of power, cronyism and nepotism, arrogant leaders, blatant disregard for human rights, suppression of the rights of the individual
The theological segment of this mentality, the ulamas, in the meantime has been intimidating the Malay, new non-Malay converts, and non-Muslims with their brand of intimidation and coercion. In this the ulamas operate in many ways.
One, stealthily they work in the background to ‘advise’ the secular leaders on matters of religion. In this way they help ensure that the secular but Muslim Malay leaders are not too far adrift from the leaders’ heritage and commitments to Islam. The leaders are constantly counseled that Islam and democracy are identical; that being so Islam and the state are not contradictory; and that Islam is to be made as the ‘official’ religion. The ulamas have done so with remarkable success.
Two, the ulamas again by way of constant repetition and use of the fear factor (fear of death, fear of committing sins and having to answer for them in Hell) have been brainwashing the Malay mindset reminding the individual Malays of their elitist Malay heritage and commitment to Islam. In this way the Malays are to adhere to the postulates of the Islamic state above.
Three, the ulamas create for themselves the role as bureaucratic intermediary between a Malay individual and God. They do so despite the basic principle and tenet of Islam being Al-Deen (pronounced as ‘Addeen’) stating there is nothing between God and man, and God and other man.
For example, they do so by way of insisting Malays who’d wish to marry to first of all get a certificate (of readiness, fitness, health); by insisting on the ‘halal’ certification to all meats to be eaten by Muslims; and by banning of books, periodicals, magazines, films, deemed to be detrimental to the nation’s well being and to public order.
They do so by insisting that all Malays who wish to denounce Islam must get their permission first of all. But when these individuals do come forward, they are advised to repent, and not given the permission and authority to apostate.
They also do so by way of the horrendous body snatching – the claiming for Muslim burial of non-Muslims suspected to having converted to Islam at some point before their death.
Poor self confidence
The ulamas have been able to shape the psychology, philosophy and world view of both the Malay leaders and individuals by their clever manipulation of several factors. Up front they make the claim that as ulamas they are the inheritors and benefactors of some special religious principles directly from the Prophet Mohammad. In reality they are just myth creators, and of similar league with the priestly class of religious adherents found in other religions. In this country, they are in fact the civil servants and government functionaries running the religion departments and the specialized Islamic agencies like IKIM and JAKIM.
Secondly, the ulamas capitalize on the poor sense of self-confidence of the Malays in seeing the world. As it is the world is changing at a frenetic speed. So do the Malays, from their agrarian and rural background, to the modern technical and urban background; from their feudal past to the democratic present.
The Malays have no historical and cultural continuity to begin understanding what is going on. They are not even aware that they are undergoing change in the first place.
Neither do the ulamas have any such inkling. But being smart, they create the pretension and myth that they are in the know. They have to be smart, for the alternative is for them to lose out in the modern technical era of knowledge and competition. In other words, they’d lose their jobs. And as they do not have any technical knowledge besides Islamic theology, they’d find the real world very cruel and unforgiving. Their economic productivity would be zero.
So they play on the sense of uncertainty and fear of the Malays, telling them that should the Malays renege from their religious commitments, they would surely go to the deepest levels of Hell. The Malays grab this wonderful lesson and wisdom for at least this gives them a sense of solace and security they sorely need.
Santa Anna came to assault and virtually demolished the Ketuanan Melayu Alamo in the form of the 12th general elections held last March 8. There is no strength in lies, and in any case truth no matter how long suppressed has a way of coming out. The elections have amply demonstrated this wisdom. By all accounts it was a complete and comprehensive rout, not seen in this country since 1969.
Blame for the rout has been apportioned all around, starting from the former Prime Minister for creating the atmosphere of totalitarianism and authoritarianism during his 22 long years in office. The present Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi is receiving the greatest heat for sleeping during his 4 short years in office, for unfulfilling on his election promises, and for allowing his lieutenants and relatives having a merry time raiding the nation’s treasury.
Other lesser top tier individuals are not spared; for example Najib, for his arrogant assumption that the premiership is his birthright, and for his perceived corrupt act of securing hefty commissions in the country’s defense purchases; Hishamuddin for his keris threatening antics.
Even Umno as an institution is also not spared, for being arrogant and completely out of depth with the changing times.
The good news is that plans are already mooted to address all of the pre-Alamo shortcomings, at least if Abdullah Ahmad Badawi is to be believed. Will he lead the country to seal the demise of Malaysian apartheid (for this is what the post-election latest developments in this country amounts to), or will he continue as though nothing has happened? For this only time will tell although he has not got much of it.
The bad news is that almost in all of the analyses the concern and criticism has almost all the time been focused onto the secular segment of the Ketuanan Melayu mentality. This being so, perhaps only its secular weaknesses might get to be addressed in the weeks and months ahead. In the event there is a glaring omission.
The important omission is this: that the ulamas have so far at least been left fairly untouched and unscathed while they have been instrumental in nurturing and maintaining the conservative, orthodox and conforming Malay status quo all along and as mentioned above.
Should this be so, then the Malay mind might have to experience another Alamo at some point in the future, this time expressly to be rid of the theological apartheid the ulamas have been championing all these while. So much better if this urgent point is addressed now, so the country can proceed with catching up on lost time immediately.
So, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has two main jobs to do in the coming period: he has to radically alter the secular segment and particularly the theological segment, of the Ketuanan Melayu mindset. Should he succeed he would go into history as the person who effective killed apartheid, Malaysian style.
AB Sulaiman - Malaysiakini
This brief event in history can be used to analogize the modern day experience of the Ketuanan Melayu mentality. Ever since Independence in 1957 the Malay mindset has been developing a siege mentality. It perceives that the Malay race is about to be wiped out; that the Islamic religion it practices is surrounded by ‘musuh-musuh Islam’, or enemies of Islam; that the purity of the Malay language is being eroded by foreign influences; that its culture, morality and etiquette similarly are being polluted by corrupt western values.
It was only a perception created by an insecure mind for Malays like everyone else are as capable as the next man. But it has been repeated over and over again in the days, weeks, months, and years on end so much so that it has become a concrete truth to some segments of the Malay community. It is true that when a lie is repeated often enough it becomes a truth.
This mentality then has withdrawn into its fortress Alamo, and began to protect this ‘truth’. It used the emotive ‘untuk agama bangsa dan negara’ (for religion, race and country) to legitimize as well as to provide the necessary energy for it.
It appears that there are two segments or categories of this Ketuanan Melayu mentality. The first is the secular segment, i.e. one that runs the country, namely the political leaders, the civil servants, the incumbents in the public services like the police, military, customs, and immigration. They look into the secular and physical aspects of this mental framework. They ensure employment in the government sector is the preserve of the Malays, and being so non-Malays are restricted.
Non-Malays who somehow got into the government services are quickly categorised either as pro- or anti-Malay. Either way, promotion and career prospects for them are in any case dim and limited. Ask any former non-Malay military, police, customs and immigration officials, and they’d eagerly confirm the truth to this matter. The pro-Malay government then goes all out to ensure a generous Malay bias towards the issuance of licenses, the formation and application of public policies, economic policies, even education policies. The secular leaders create the first level Malaysian apartheid.
Tough decree to follow
Then there is the second segment, namely the ulamas, i.e. those religious leaders who make it their duty to assume the role of religion and morality policemen. They are the architects of second category Malaysian apartheid.
They nurture the elitist image that Islam is an exclusive religion thus separating the Malays from the non-Malays. They enunciate the principle that all Malays are Muslim by birth, and must remain Muslim all their lives. Malays are in other words never allowed to apostate, or to denounce their Muslim faith. Nor are new converted non-Malays allowed to revert to their original religion. On both counts, they claim that Islam is not a religion to denounce at the whims and fancies of individuals.
They insist for Malays and non-Malay Muslims as well as all Malaysian citizens to subscribe to Islamic values. This is a tough decree to follow, because religion is a personal matter and relates to the relationship between an individual and his God: Yahweh the Jewish God, Jesus the Christian God, and of course Allah the God of all Muslims. There are of course other gods like Brahma of the Hindu, and Brahma’s many thousands of manifestations, as well as the other god or gods of other religions and cultures around the world. The ulamas somehow have the view that there is only one God, and He is Allah. All other gods are to them false.
All these restrictions and prohibitions are made despite the Quran’s overt declaration that there is no compulsion in religion. Surah 2.256 of the Quran, the primary source of authority in Islam, expressly states that there is no compulsion in religion.
Together the two segments of Malay mentality work in concert, in perfect teamwork, much like the left hand working with the right. To the Malays these two segments work to help ensure the survival of the Malay religion, or Islam as perceived and understood by the Malay, Malay culture and the progress and prosperity of the Malay motherland of Malaysia.
Perhaps it is more accurate to state that the ulamas have been playing the secular leaders with the simple minded Malay individuals. The ulamas would team up with the individuals (who got the voting numbers) to contain the leaders. In Malaysian democracy number is all important, so leaders ‘kowtow’ or listen to the ulamas as they have the power to influence Malay voters.
Likewise, the ulamas would team up with the leaders to contain the individuals. This can be done by way of controlling the mindset of the Malays. How they do this is explained below. Either way, the ulamas are securing their positions.
The fact still remains that this mental environment leading to this siege mentality, is only an assumption, a perception, even a cultural trait. It is never the truth. It does not help to think that it is akin to the now dead era of apartheid of South Africa. Where is the truth that government servants must be Malays, that all government policies must be geared and applied to suit Malay interests? Similarly where is the truth that all Malays are born Muslim? There are some Malays in this country who are closet non-Muslims. There are ‘Malays’ in Thailand and the Southern Philippines and Indonesia who are Buddhists or Christians.
Where too is the truth that a Malay person cannot apostate?
Another overdrive
Obviously the Malay mindset is working in an environment of contradiction and emotion. The painful truth is that the Malay mind works on the basis of an assumption, even on a lie. It is perfectly understandable therefore that they have retreated into the stressful siege mentality and environment.
They also work in an atmosphere of absolute power, having cast aside the check and balance system of governance in a healthy of democracy, curtailment of basic human rights, setting aside the rule of law, and fusing together the elements of state and religion.
With these in place, the Ketuanan Melayu leadership incumbents went on another overdrive, this time not so much to protect race and religion, but more to take advantage of the awesome power that lies for grabs when these basic principles of democracy are demolished. Herewith is a list of the some of the abuses perpetrated by the Ketuanan Melayu which by now every knowledgeable Malaysian are very familiar with: massive corruption, rampant abuse of power, cronyism and nepotism, arrogant leaders, blatant disregard for human rights, suppression of the rights of the individual
The theological segment of this mentality, the ulamas, in the meantime has been intimidating the Malay, new non-Malay converts, and non-Muslims with their brand of intimidation and coercion. In this the ulamas operate in many ways.
One, stealthily they work in the background to ‘advise’ the secular leaders on matters of religion. In this way they help ensure that the secular but Muslim Malay leaders are not too far adrift from the leaders’ heritage and commitments to Islam. The leaders are constantly counseled that Islam and democracy are identical; that being so Islam and the state are not contradictory; and that Islam is to be made as the ‘official’ religion. The ulamas have done so with remarkable success.
Two, the ulamas again by way of constant repetition and use of the fear factor (fear of death, fear of committing sins and having to answer for them in Hell) have been brainwashing the Malay mindset reminding the individual Malays of their elitist Malay heritage and commitment to Islam. In this way the Malays are to adhere to the postulates of the Islamic state above.
Three, the ulamas create for themselves the role as bureaucratic intermediary between a Malay individual and God. They do so despite the basic principle and tenet of Islam being Al-Deen (pronounced as ‘Addeen’) stating there is nothing between God and man, and God and other man.
For example, they do so by way of insisting Malays who’d wish to marry to first of all get a certificate (of readiness, fitness, health); by insisting on the ‘halal’ certification to all meats to be eaten by Muslims; and by banning of books, periodicals, magazines, films, deemed to be detrimental to the nation’s well being and to public order.
They do so by insisting that all Malays who wish to denounce Islam must get their permission first of all. But when these individuals do come forward, they are advised to repent, and not given the permission and authority to apostate.
They also do so by way of the horrendous body snatching – the claiming for Muslim burial of non-Muslims suspected to having converted to Islam at some point before their death.
Poor self confidence
The ulamas have been able to shape the psychology, philosophy and world view of both the Malay leaders and individuals by their clever manipulation of several factors. Up front they make the claim that as ulamas they are the inheritors and benefactors of some special religious principles directly from the Prophet Mohammad. In reality they are just myth creators, and of similar league with the priestly class of religious adherents found in other religions. In this country, they are in fact the civil servants and government functionaries running the religion departments and the specialized Islamic agencies like IKIM and JAKIM.
Secondly, the ulamas capitalize on the poor sense of self-confidence of the Malays in seeing the world. As it is the world is changing at a frenetic speed. So do the Malays, from their agrarian and rural background, to the modern technical and urban background; from their feudal past to the democratic present.
The Malays have no historical and cultural continuity to begin understanding what is going on. They are not even aware that they are undergoing change in the first place.
Neither do the ulamas have any such inkling. But being smart, they create the pretension and myth that they are in the know. They have to be smart, for the alternative is for them to lose out in the modern technical era of knowledge and competition. In other words, they’d lose their jobs. And as they do not have any technical knowledge besides Islamic theology, they’d find the real world very cruel and unforgiving. Their economic productivity would be zero.
So they play on the sense of uncertainty and fear of the Malays, telling them that should the Malays renege from their religious commitments, they would surely go to the deepest levels of Hell. The Malays grab this wonderful lesson and wisdom for at least this gives them a sense of solace and security they sorely need.
Santa Anna came to assault and virtually demolished the Ketuanan Melayu Alamo in the form of the 12th general elections held last March 8. There is no strength in lies, and in any case truth no matter how long suppressed has a way of coming out. The elections have amply demonstrated this wisdom. By all accounts it was a complete and comprehensive rout, not seen in this country since 1969.
Blame for the rout has been apportioned all around, starting from the former Prime Minister for creating the atmosphere of totalitarianism and authoritarianism during his 22 long years in office. The present Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi is receiving the greatest heat for sleeping during his 4 short years in office, for unfulfilling on his election promises, and for allowing his lieutenants and relatives having a merry time raiding the nation’s treasury.
Other lesser top tier individuals are not spared; for example Najib, for his arrogant assumption that the premiership is his birthright, and for his perceived corrupt act of securing hefty commissions in the country’s defense purchases; Hishamuddin for his keris threatening antics.
Even Umno as an institution is also not spared, for being arrogant and completely out of depth with the changing times.
The good news is that plans are already mooted to address all of the pre-Alamo shortcomings, at least if Abdullah Ahmad Badawi is to be believed. Will he lead the country to seal the demise of Malaysian apartheid (for this is what the post-election latest developments in this country amounts to), or will he continue as though nothing has happened? For this only time will tell although he has not got much of it.
The bad news is that almost in all of the analyses the concern and criticism has almost all the time been focused onto the secular segment of the Ketuanan Melayu mentality. This being so, perhaps only its secular weaknesses might get to be addressed in the weeks and months ahead. In the event there is a glaring omission.
The important omission is this: that the ulamas have so far at least been left fairly untouched and unscathed while they have been instrumental in nurturing and maintaining the conservative, orthodox and conforming Malay status quo all along and as mentioned above.
Should this be so, then the Malay mind might have to experience another Alamo at some point in the future, this time expressly to be rid of the theological apartheid the ulamas have been championing all these while. So much better if this urgent point is addressed now, so the country can proceed with catching up on lost time immediately.
So, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has two main jobs to do in the coming period: he has to radically alter the secular segment and particularly the theological segment, of the Ketuanan Melayu mindset. Should he succeed he would go into history as the person who effective killed apartheid, Malaysian style.
AB Sulaiman - Malaysiakini
Gerakan: the decadence of an idealist party
Gerakan acting president Dr Koh Tsu Koon finally acts tough.
After a briefing with the party’s central delegates last Sunday, Tsu Koon told the press "certain Umno leaders’ deeds, words and actions in the past two years have resulted in a feeling of resentment".
No one should be surprised at Tsu Koon's assessment. What is truly puzzling is that the former Penang chief minister only realised this after Gerakan suffered a crushing defeat on March 8.
Would it have been different had the Penang-based party chosen to speak out fearlessly when Khairy Jamaluddin and Hishammuddin Hussein indulged themselves in racist remarks and gestures at the Umno general assemblies?
Hardly.
Gerakan’s ignominious rout was already in the making before the March election. As I wrote a few months ago, my advice for some party faithful to contemplate a withdrawal from the rotten Barisan Nasional coalition to preserve their dignity went unheeded. With the benefit of hindsight, even a last minute pullout by Gerakan, as what had happened to Parti Bersatu Sabah on the eve of the 1990 election, would not have saved the party from the electoral massacre.
Tsu Koon was willy-nilly over the choice of his successor as chief minister, and it irked the Penang voters. Worse, in passing the ball to Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, he was being utterly insensitive to their anger, which only reinforced the impression of him serving as Umno stooge.
The Penangites could not care less if it was the wishy-washy Chia Kwang Chye, the dreary Lee Kah Choon, the seasoned Teng Hock Nam, or even the young and articulate Teng Chang Yeow, as they had decided to do an "all change" and vote all of them out.
Pretty much like what the Australian voters did to John Howard last November, the voters had to decide for Tsu Koon since he could not make up his own mind. I salute the Penangites for their boleh spirit and discernment that Malaysia as a nation of sheep had begotten a government of wolves.
For idealists, elite socialists
Still, I could not help feeling sorry. In 1968, Gerakan was founded on the firm basis of multiracialism, with stalwart intellectuals like the late Syed Hussein Alatas and Wang Gungwu among its top leaders. Dr. J B Peter and Madam Ganga Nair were there too. Dr Tan Chee Khoon, latterly Mr Opposition, even ditched the Labour Party and joined Gerakan, which was almost a natural home for idealists and elite socialists at the time.
Also in 1968, Dr Seenivasegam of the People’s Progressive Party (PPP) presided over a public debate on Malaysian Malaysia in Kuala Lumpur between representatives from Gerakan and the Democratic Action Party (DAP). Those were the days when ideologues held sway.
The electoral debut of the still fledgling party could not have been more splendid, as it went on to capture Penang in the 1969 election. Who says ideology never matters in Malaysian politics?
But who could have foreseen a party that once offered so much hope for multiracial politics in the deeply racialised and divided nation of Malaysia would later become a spent force?
Today, Gerakan can only showcase second rate politicians like Mah Siew Keong, the youth leader whose waving of the Basic Foundations of our Nationhood as a clumsy protest over the keris-brandishing of his Umno counterparts was a joke.
Or what about a political dwarf in Lim Si Pin, son of the former Gerakan president Dr Lim Keng Yaik, who would not even take up the challenge for a minor debate in public? It is certainly not an unlucky coincidence that both Mah and Lim Jr. lost in the election.
To be fair, Gerakan’s betrayal of its multiracial roots did not begin with Keng Yaik, who was party president for more than 25 years. But it was under Lim that the party’s loss of multiracial outlook became most marked.
A populist, Lim had no time for polemics and was disdainful of intellectuals. Under his leadership, Gerakan became ideologically vacuous, and behaved increasingly like Umno’s lieutenant. When Dr Mahathir Mohamad declared Malaysia an Islamic state at the Gerakan general assembly in September 2001, Lim did not even raise an eyebrow.
Because Lim was beholden first to Mahathir and then to Abdullah, his party’s response to communal and religious controversies was paltry at best. In the state constituency of Bukit Gasing that is made up of sizeable populations of Catholics and Christians, former Gerakan assemblyman Lim Thuan Seng was conspicuously silent on many religious issues.
Under the BN’s kidnap-style control that hardly tolerates even a semblance of critique, few can escape unscathed for speaking their own mind, just look at Zaid Ibrahim of Umno, Sothinathan of the MIC and Loh Seng Kok of the MCA.
Keng Yaik - a MCA reject
That Keng Yaik is bereft of democratic beliefs can be seen from his desperate but failed attempt to save his son’s campaign in the Batu parliamentary seat recently. Knowing that Lim Si Pin could lose, Lim resorted to relentless personal attacks on Tian Chua, the PKR candidate. It backfired and his son lost big.
Even in Beruas, which Keng Yaik represented for over 20 years, his political protege Chang Ko Youn was defeated by Ngeh Koo Ham of the DAP. When campaigning for Gerakan heavyweight Teo Kok Chee in the state assembly constituency of Skudai, Johor, Lim assured the audience Teo was "Abdul Ghani’s godson" and Skudai would receive special attention from the menteri besar. Too bad, that the voters punished Lim’s tawdriness with a stunning victory for Boo Cheng Hau, another DAP state leader - a majority of 12,854 votes.
Keng Yaik might have been able to fool mainstream journalists with his tasteless jokes and entertain them with his hearty laughs, his "glories" are fading fast nonetheless.
Not only has Gerakan lost the will to harness Umno, the party has also become "sinicized" over the years. For all the fanfare and pomp at his retirement last year, Keng Yaik is in fact an MCA reject. Kicked out of the Chinese party by Tan Siew Sin in 1973, Keng Yaik brought the mavericks – including Paul Leong Khee Seong - into Gerakan and continued his battle with his enemies in the MCA.
As Gerakan leader, Keng Yaik effectively turned Gerakan into a Chinese chauvinist party. In December 2003, he openly thanked Abdullah for giving his blessing to a future merger between Gerakan and the MCA, and vowed to do his part to persuade those who had reservations about the proposal. His blatant disregard of the non-Chinese grassroots was bordering on arrogance.
Tsu Koon’s multiethnic credentials are equally questionable. Last December, Dr. Toh Kin Woon and S Paranjothy, a Gerakan Youth leader, both lent their support to Hindraf’s demands. Tsu Koon defended Toh’s remarks as a personal opinion, but referred Paranjothy to the party’s disciplinary committee for further action.
The fact was, Paranjothy had openly chastised Umno Youth leaders, putting Tsu Koon in a difficult position. Paranjothy’s fate clearly indicates that Gerakan can no longer represent the interests of the non-Chinese; it also reveals the home truth that the party exists at Umno’s mercy.
If not for the series of evil laws that curtail media freedom, coupled with the habitual manipulation of the electoral system by the government, the myth of Gerakan as the BN’s conscience would have been busted long ago. Throughout the 13-day campaign, Lim and Koh launched one personal attack after another against Anwar Ibrahim, but the biggest irony is that PKR is now much more genuinely multiracial than Gerakan, winning support from voters of all walks of life!
Even Dr Toh, for decades a conscientious voice in Gerakan, concedes the party had lost its multiracial identity when all its candidates fielded for the recent election were Chinese.
Meanwhile, DAP has been successful in garnering enough non-Chinese votes to come to power in Penang. Should Lim Guan Eng perform well, the feeble argument that only a Penangite could ensure effective governance in the state will be proven wrong.
Localness, after all, is the last refuge of an ambitious but brainless politician.
Return to what ideology?
Tsu Koon has also said his party will not be celebrating its 40th anniversary this year. Instead, there is a lot of soul-searching and self-criticism awaiting the rank and file, as well as the need to "go back to the basics of our ideology".
Very fine and well. But what ideology does the acting president have in mind? Despite Gerakan’s claim to social democracy, I only know Keng Yaik was among the most capitalist-minded cabinet ministers, a torchbearer of the BN’s neo-liberal agenda who could not cease salivating at lucrative privatisation deals.
And guess what? A click on the word "ideology" on the party’s website returns nothing. Absolutely nothing.
I am curious to know what would Syed Hussein Alatas and Tan Chee Koon have to say on this six feet under?
Lest we forget, Gerakan and PPP were at each other’s throat over the right to contest in the Taiping parliamentary constituency. M Kayveas won the battle but lost the war; his political future now hangs in a balance.
But Gerakan is certainly not the one having the last laugh, for who knows the once great promising and idealist party, should it continue to be subservient to the racist and domineering Umno, will not suffer the fate of PPP in the not too distant future?
Malaysiakini
After a briefing with the party’s central delegates last Sunday, Tsu Koon told the press "certain Umno leaders’ deeds, words and actions in the past two years have resulted in a feeling of resentment".
No one should be surprised at Tsu Koon's assessment. What is truly puzzling is that the former Penang chief minister only realised this after Gerakan suffered a crushing defeat on March 8.
Would it have been different had the Penang-based party chosen to speak out fearlessly when Khairy Jamaluddin and Hishammuddin Hussein indulged themselves in racist remarks and gestures at the Umno general assemblies?
Hardly.
Gerakan’s ignominious rout was already in the making before the March election. As I wrote a few months ago, my advice for some party faithful to contemplate a withdrawal from the rotten Barisan Nasional coalition to preserve their dignity went unheeded. With the benefit of hindsight, even a last minute pullout by Gerakan, as what had happened to Parti Bersatu Sabah on the eve of the 1990 election, would not have saved the party from the electoral massacre.
Tsu Koon was willy-nilly over the choice of his successor as chief minister, and it irked the Penang voters. Worse, in passing the ball to Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, he was being utterly insensitive to their anger, which only reinforced the impression of him serving as Umno stooge.
The Penangites could not care less if it was the wishy-washy Chia Kwang Chye, the dreary Lee Kah Choon, the seasoned Teng Hock Nam, or even the young and articulate Teng Chang Yeow, as they had decided to do an "all change" and vote all of them out.
Pretty much like what the Australian voters did to John Howard last November, the voters had to decide for Tsu Koon since he could not make up his own mind. I salute the Penangites for their boleh spirit and discernment that Malaysia as a nation of sheep had begotten a government of wolves.
For idealists, elite socialists
Still, I could not help feeling sorry. In 1968, Gerakan was founded on the firm basis of multiracialism, with stalwart intellectuals like the late Syed Hussein Alatas and Wang Gungwu among its top leaders. Dr. J B Peter and Madam Ganga Nair were there too. Dr Tan Chee Khoon, latterly Mr Opposition, even ditched the Labour Party and joined Gerakan, which was almost a natural home for idealists and elite socialists at the time.
Also in 1968, Dr Seenivasegam of the People’s Progressive Party (PPP) presided over a public debate on Malaysian Malaysia in Kuala Lumpur between representatives from Gerakan and the Democratic Action Party (DAP). Those were the days when ideologues held sway.
The electoral debut of the still fledgling party could not have been more splendid, as it went on to capture Penang in the 1969 election. Who says ideology never matters in Malaysian politics?
But who could have foreseen a party that once offered so much hope for multiracial politics in the deeply racialised and divided nation of Malaysia would later become a spent force?
Today, Gerakan can only showcase second rate politicians like Mah Siew Keong, the youth leader whose waving of the Basic Foundations of our Nationhood as a clumsy protest over the keris-brandishing of his Umno counterparts was a joke.
Or what about a political dwarf in Lim Si Pin, son of the former Gerakan president Dr Lim Keng Yaik, who would not even take up the challenge for a minor debate in public? It is certainly not an unlucky coincidence that both Mah and Lim Jr. lost in the election.
To be fair, Gerakan’s betrayal of its multiracial roots did not begin with Keng Yaik, who was party president for more than 25 years. But it was under Lim that the party’s loss of multiracial outlook became most marked.
A populist, Lim had no time for polemics and was disdainful of intellectuals. Under his leadership, Gerakan became ideologically vacuous, and behaved increasingly like Umno’s lieutenant. When Dr Mahathir Mohamad declared Malaysia an Islamic state at the Gerakan general assembly in September 2001, Lim did not even raise an eyebrow.
Because Lim was beholden first to Mahathir and then to Abdullah, his party’s response to communal and religious controversies was paltry at best. In the state constituency of Bukit Gasing that is made up of sizeable populations of Catholics and Christians, former Gerakan assemblyman Lim Thuan Seng was conspicuously silent on many religious issues.
Under the BN’s kidnap-style control that hardly tolerates even a semblance of critique, few can escape unscathed for speaking their own mind, just look at Zaid Ibrahim of Umno, Sothinathan of the MIC and Loh Seng Kok of the MCA.
Keng Yaik - a MCA reject
That Keng Yaik is bereft of democratic beliefs can be seen from his desperate but failed attempt to save his son’s campaign in the Batu parliamentary seat recently. Knowing that Lim Si Pin could lose, Lim resorted to relentless personal attacks on Tian Chua, the PKR candidate. It backfired and his son lost big.
Even in Beruas, which Keng Yaik represented for over 20 years, his political protege Chang Ko Youn was defeated by Ngeh Koo Ham of the DAP. When campaigning for Gerakan heavyweight Teo Kok Chee in the state assembly constituency of Skudai, Johor, Lim assured the audience Teo was "Abdul Ghani’s godson" and Skudai would receive special attention from the menteri besar. Too bad, that the voters punished Lim’s tawdriness with a stunning victory for Boo Cheng Hau, another DAP state leader - a majority of 12,854 votes.
Keng Yaik might have been able to fool mainstream journalists with his tasteless jokes and entertain them with his hearty laughs, his "glories" are fading fast nonetheless.
Not only has Gerakan lost the will to harness Umno, the party has also become "sinicized" over the years. For all the fanfare and pomp at his retirement last year, Keng Yaik is in fact an MCA reject. Kicked out of the Chinese party by Tan Siew Sin in 1973, Keng Yaik brought the mavericks – including Paul Leong Khee Seong - into Gerakan and continued his battle with his enemies in the MCA.
As Gerakan leader, Keng Yaik effectively turned Gerakan into a Chinese chauvinist party. In December 2003, he openly thanked Abdullah for giving his blessing to a future merger between Gerakan and the MCA, and vowed to do his part to persuade those who had reservations about the proposal. His blatant disregard of the non-Chinese grassroots was bordering on arrogance.
Tsu Koon’s multiethnic credentials are equally questionable. Last December, Dr. Toh Kin Woon and S Paranjothy, a Gerakan Youth leader, both lent their support to Hindraf’s demands. Tsu Koon defended Toh’s remarks as a personal opinion, but referred Paranjothy to the party’s disciplinary committee for further action.
The fact was, Paranjothy had openly chastised Umno Youth leaders, putting Tsu Koon in a difficult position. Paranjothy’s fate clearly indicates that Gerakan can no longer represent the interests of the non-Chinese; it also reveals the home truth that the party exists at Umno’s mercy.
If not for the series of evil laws that curtail media freedom, coupled with the habitual manipulation of the electoral system by the government, the myth of Gerakan as the BN’s conscience would have been busted long ago. Throughout the 13-day campaign, Lim and Koh launched one personal attack after another against Anwar Ibrahim, but the biggest irony is that PKR is now much more genuinely multiracial than Gerakan, winning support from voters of all walks of life!
Even Dr Toh, for decades a conscientious voice in Gerakan, concedes the party had lost its multiracial identity when all its candidates fielded for the recent election were Chinese.
Meanwhile, DAP has been successful in garnering enough non-Chinese votes to come to power in Penang. Should Lim Guan Eng perform well, the feeble argument that only a Penangite could ensure effective governance in the state will be proven wrong.
Localness, after all, is the last refuge of an ambitious but brainless politician.
Return to what ideology?
Tsu Koon has also said his party will not be celebrating its 40th anniversary this year. Instead, there is a lot of soul-searching and self-criticism awaiting the rank and file, as well as the need to "go back to the basics of our ideology".
Very fine and well. But what ideology does the acting president have in mind? Despite Gerakan’s claim to social democracy, I only know Keng Yaik was among the most capitalist-minded cabinet ministers, a torchbearer of the BN’s neo-liberal agenda who could not cease salivating at lucrative privatisation deals.
And guess what? A click on the word "ideology" on the party’s website returns nothing. Absolutely nothing.
I am curious to know what would Syed Hussein Alatas and Tan Chee Koon have to say on this six feet under?
Lest we forget, Gerakan and PPP were at each other’s throat over the right to contest in the Taiping parliamentary constituency. M Kayveas won the battle but lost the war; his political future now hangs in a balance.
But Gerakan is certainly not the one having the last laugh, for who knows the once great promising and idealist party, should it continue to be subservient to the racist and domineering Umno, will not suffer the fate of PPP in the not too distant future?
Malaysiakini
BN defeat: no need for expert analysis
Why do Umno and the rest of the Barisan National component parties need to 'engage an independent body to conduct a post-mortem on their performance in the recent general election'? Were they so removed from the rakyat that they were not aware of the swelling discontentment that was swirling amongst the ordinary folk?
No wonder the political tsunami that swept across the nation with five states going to the opposition was a complete unexpected shock to Umno and the BN parties. You don’t need an expert in political science to tell you what actually caused the failure of the Barisan Nasional parties.
The principle cause of the BN failure can be attributed to the leaders in Umno. They were under the delusion that they had the majority support of the Malay populace. To a certain extent this was true before the advent of PAS and now PKR.
However failure to realise that the political landscape had changed led Umno leaders to formulate policies that antagonised the non-Malays. The non-Malays were maginalised in practically every aspect of the Umno-dominated government policies.
This marginalisation led to the loss of support for other race-based BN parties like MCA, MIC and Gerakan. In addition, the BN component parties were cowed to such an extent that religious and educational issues affecting the community did not find a voice and they were unable articulate their grievances.
Umno’s mistake was its failure to grasp the current political reality. Umno today cannot claim to be a legitimate representative of all the Malays. With the birth of PAS and now PKR, Umno at best can claim to have the support of only 30% of the Malay community.
In fact, it was reported in the main stream media that Umno's Malay support in the recent election amounted to only 29.6%. The reality of today’s political landscape clearly demonstrates that for any of the three parties - Umno, PAS and PKR - to succeed, it is vital for them to obtain the support of the non-Malays.
They were, in fact, the king-makers of the last election. As long as Malay support is divided amongst the three parties namely Umno, PAS and PKR, the fate of each of them will continue to remain in the hands of the non-Malays.
Therefore if Umno continues to plod along with its old racist and pro-Umnoputra NEP policies thinking that it will garner Malay support but in fact eroding its non-Malay support, it will most likely end up as a political dinosaur in the next general election.
No wonder the political tsunami that swept across the nation with five states going to the opposition was a complete unexpected shock to Umno and the BN parties. You don’t need an expert in political science to tell you what actually caused the failure of the Barisan Nasional parties.
The principle cause of the BN failure can be attributed to the leaders in Umno. They were under the delusion that they had the majority support of the Malay populace. To a certain extent this was true before the advent of PAS and now PKR.
However failure to realise that the political landscape had changed led Umno leaders to formulate policies that antagonised the non-Malays. The non-Malays were maginalised in practically every aspect of the Umno-dominated government policies.
This marginalisation led to the loss of support for other race-based BN parties like MCA, MIC and Gerakan. In addition, the BN component parties were cowed to such an extent that religious and educational issues affecting the community did not find a voice and they were unable articulate their grievances.
Umno’s mistake was its failure to grasp the current political reality. Umno today cannot claim to be a legitimate representative of all the Malays. With the birth of PAS and now PKR, Umno at best can claim to have the support of only 30% of the Malay community.
In fact, it was reported in the main stream media that Umno's Malay support in the recent election amounted to only 29.6%. The reality of today’s political landscape clearly demonstrates that for any of the three parties - Umno, PAS and PKR - to succeed, it is vital for them to obtain the support of the non-Malays.
They were, in fact, the king-makers of the last election. As long as Malay support is divided amongst the three parties namely Umno, PAS and PKR, the fate of each of them will continue to remain in the hands of the non-Malays.
Therefore if Umno continues to plod along with its old racist and pro-Umnoputra NEP policies thinking that it will garner Malay support but in fact eroding its non-Malay support, it will most likely end up as a political dinosaur in the next general election.
Barisan Rakyat, please fight for Hindraf 5 release
The prime minister has had his answer from the Malaysian rakyat as to why his coalition lost the five states. One of the reasons is the BN government’s spurious allegations that the Hindraf 5 are a threat to internal security.
What rubbish, and if Abdullah Ahmad Badawi thinks that Malaysian are buying this, he is dead wrong. The Internal Security Act is a bad law in the present times. It may have been a necessity during the Emergency (to detain a person without trial) but not so now. To even suggest that Hindraf were linked to the Tamil Tigers of Sri Lanka is to compare VK Lingam with Mahatma Ghandi.
The judges who dismissed applications from the families of the detained five to free them are all suspect and subservient to the political masters who appointed them. They talk of law with no sense of conscience or know what is justice. The Lingam Tape case is ample testimony of the rot in the judiciary.
The families may appeal to the Federal Court but I do not expect any judge appointed by the previous government to do anything better, because the integrity of all them are suspect. Sure, there maybe honest judges, but they are far and few in between.
I am calling on the Barisan Rakyat in Perak, Penang, Selangor, Kedah including our brothers in Kelantan to stand up for the Hindraf 5 . They may have been a factor in winning the Indian vote, but today we are not talking about Indians.
Today we are talking about Malaysians, and the Hindraf 5 are our Malaysian brothers who have been detained unjustly by the incorrigibly corrupt BN government which has no inkling of justice or human conscience.
The release of the Hindraf 5 has to be the priority of the Barisan Rakyat agenda. They should not be incarcerated a minute longer than necessary.
DAP-PKR-PAS do not be drowned in the joy of your victory. If justice is your cause, you must stand up for the Hindraf 5 immediately.
What rubbish, and if Abdullah Ahmad Badawi thinks that Malaysian are buying this, he is dead wrong. The Internal Security Act is a bad law in the present times. It may have been a necessity during the Emergency (to detain a person without trial) but not so now. To even suggest that Hindraf were linked to the Tamil Tigers of Sri Lanka is to compare VK Lingam with Mahatma Ghandi.
The judges who dismissed applications from the families of the detained five to free them are all suspect and subservient to the political masters who appointed them. They talk of law with no sense of conscience or know what is justice. The Lingam Tape case is ample testimony of the rot in the judiciary.
The families may appeal to the Federal Court but I do not expect any judge appointed by the previous government to do anything better, because the integrity of all them are suspect. Sure, there maybe honest judges, but they are far and few in between.
I am calling on the Barisan Rakyat in Perak, Penang, Selangor, Kedah including our brothers in Kelantan to stand up for the Hindraf 5 . They may have been a factor in winning the Indian vote, but today we are not talking about Indians.
Today we are talking about Malaysians, and the Hindraf 5 are our Malaysian brothers who have been detained unjustly by the incorrigibly corrupt BN government which has no inkling of justice or human conscience.
The release of the Hindraf 5 has to be the priority of the Barisan Rakyat agenda. They should not be incarcerated a minute longer than necessary.
DAP-PKR-PAS do not be drowned in the joy of your victory. If justice is your cause, you must stand up for the Hindraf 5 immediately.
Thursday, March 27, 2008
Deputy minister Ghapur quits - More headache for Pak Lah
Just a day more than a week after being appointed the Deputy Minister of Natural Resources and Environment, Ghapur Salleh has called it quits, saying that he wanted to “do my own thing”.
Just as the news of Ghapur stepping down trickled in, speculations on his reasons to do so also started to mount.
While some say that he could be joining the opposition, others merely suggested that his resignation could be more to an internal struggle within Sabah Umno.
Ghapur however rejected these, stating that he remained Kalabakan Umno division chief and at the same time dismissed any talk of him quitting the party or joining the opposition.
It is learnt that Ghapur has sent his resignation letter to Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi yesterday evening.
The prime minister has not responded publicly to the resignation. The matter is however expected to be discussed at the Umno Supreme Council meeting today as it effects a Umno position in the government.
Three deputy ministers now
Meanwhile, Ghapur was quoted as saying in a local daily that he was not interested in any government post.
“I’m not interested in any government post. I just want to do my own thing. I am still a division chief and I do not want people to speculate as my commitment is to Umno and its leadership under Abdullah Ahmad Badawi,” he was quoted as saying.
He was also asked as to why he waited until eight days after being appointed to step down and he responded by saying: “I don’t want to be tied up with government duties.”
“I’m leaving the matter in the hands of the prime minister,” he added.
Ghapur was a former Sabah deputy chief minister who quit the post in 1997 but returned to the state Cabinet several years later.
Ghapur, 64, is the second Sabah MP and Sabah Umno leader to turn down a federal deputy minister’s post following the March 8 general election.
Soon after Abdullah named his cabinet on March 18, Kimanis MP Anifah Aman declined to take up the post of Deputy Transport Minister.
Similarly another Umno leader, from Pahang, Tengku Azlan Sultan Abu Bakar, also declined the Deputy Foreign Minister’s post. Both of them said that they were senior enough to be made full ministers.
Just as the news of Ghapur stepping down trickled in, speculations on his reasons to do so also started to mount.
While some say that he could be joining the opposition, others merely suggested that his resignation could be more to an internal struggle within Sabah Umno.
Ghapur however rejected these, stating that he remained Kalabakan Umno division chief and at the same time dismissed any talk of him quitting the party or joining the opposition.
It is learnt that Ghapur has sent his resignation letter to Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi yesterday evening.
The prime minister has not responded publicly to the resignation. The matter is however expected to be discussed at the Umno Supreme Council meeting today as it effects a Umno position in the government.
Three deputy ministers now
Meanwhile, Ghapur was quoted as saying in a local daily that he was not interested in any government post.
“I’m not interested in any government post. I just want to do my own thing. I am still a division chief and I do not want people to speculate as my commitment is to Umno and its leadership under Abdullah Ahmad Badawi,” he was quoted as saying.
He was also asked as to why he waited until eight days after being appointed to step down and he responded by saying: “I don’t want to be tied up with government duties.”
“I’m leaving the matter in the hands of the prime minister,” he added.
Ghapur was a former Sabah deputy chief minister who quit the post in 1997 but returned to the state Cabinet several years later.
Ghapur, 64, is the second Sabah MP and Sabah Umno leader to turn down a federal deputy minister’s post following the March 8 general election.
Soon after Abdullah named his cabinet on March 18, Kimanis MP Anifah Aman declined to take up the post of Deputy Transport Minister.
Similarly another Umno leader, from Pahang, Tengku Azlan Sultan Abu Bakar, also declined the Deputy Foreign Minister’s post. Both of them said that they were senior enough to be made full ministers.
Purge MIC of old guard to cleanse it
Hindraf views the ‘fragile’ S Samy Vellu-S Subramaniam pact as no plaster-of-Paris cast to heal the ‘fractured’ Indian community which has been marginalised for the last 50 years.
The MIC echelons fail to realise that the real reason behind their loss of the Indian community’s support is the Indian Malaysian’s suppression, marginalisation and discrimination by the majority ‘bully rule’ Umno-led government of which MIC is part of.
MIC leaders have been self-serving and have never truly advocated for the basic rights of the Indian community all this while. They are equally guilty of the sins committed upon Indian Malaysian and have realised it far too late.
Urging the government to now immediately implement plans drawn out for the Indians comes at a time when the community has lost all confidence in the MIC and the government.
Samy forging a pact - however strong it may be - with Subra is no magic formula to resolve the loss of confidence in the MIC amongst the Indian community. Samy should be best advised to adopt a ‘self-imposed purge’ of all crony leaders appointed by him and rid the party of the old guards including Dato Subra.
Open up the party to young, energetic professional and courageous leaders who would speak up for the truth even if it means upsetting Umno. The failure to do this would only lead MIC into deeper isolation.
P.WatyaMoorthy – Hindraf Chairman
The MIC echelons fail to realise that the real reason behind their loss of the Indian community’s support is the Indian Malaysian’s suppression, marginalisation and discrimination by the majority ‘bully rule’ Umno-led government of which MIC is part of.
MIC leaders have been self-serving and have never truly advocated for the basic rights of the Indian community all this while. They are equally guilty of the sins committed upon Indian Malaysian and have realised it far too late.
Urging the government to now immediately implement plans drawn out for the Indians comes at a time when the community has lost all confidence in the MIC and the government.
Samy forging a pact - however strong it may be - with Subra is no magic formula to resolve the loss of confidence in the MIC amongst the Indian community. Samy should be best advised to adopt a ‘self-imposed purge’ of all crony leaders appointed by him and rid the party of the old guards including Dato Subra.
Open up the party to young, energetic professional and courageous leaders who would speak up for the truth even if it means upsetting Umno. The failure to do this would only lead MIC into deeper isolation.
P.WatyaMoorthy – Hindraf Chairman
Wednesday, March 26, 2008
Minimum wage RM350: Is this A JOKE??
ESTATE workers in Negri Sembilan face problems earning extra income due to restrictions imposed by Sime Darby, which controls all the estates in the state, Malaysia Nanban reported.
Negri Sembilan National Union of Plantation Workers secretary P. Santa Kumar said it regretted that the estate management had failed to refer to the worker’s union representative but instead informed the workers in a circular that they were not allowed to grow vegetables, keep animals, or plant coconut and banana trees for extra income.
He said the union had arranged for a meeting with state executive councillor and Jeram Padang assemblyman V. Mohan and state human resources officers to discuss the matter.
For those who are not aware, the minimum wage for an estate worker is RM350! And that's only if he shows up for work, so that is not technically "minimum wage".Meanwhile, in the private sector at large, there is also no "minimum wage".
According to Asia Times on July 18, 2007, most factories pay a basic salary of Rm350. Even five-star hotels in Kuala Lumpur pay a basic wage of RM290 per month to cleaners and waiters!
Now, the official poverty line is RM691 in Peninsular Malaysia and RM765/RM888 in Sarawak and Sabah respectively. So someone earning around RM300 is not only poor, they are DIRT POOR. Coz they will not be able to afford the RM30000 low cost houses (which by the way, sometimes sold to upper income owners if you know the "insiders"), nor can they afford a proper vehicle, nor can they afford schooling for their children, and not even decent groceries! To summarize, I imagine their living conditions are INHUMANE. To make ends meet, they probably would have to borrow money, and go into debts that they can never hope to repay. And now, for the estate workers, not being allowed to make side-income is going to make their lives even worse (if that is possible!).
And what is the stand of the government when MTUC demanded minimum pay of RM900 for private sector workers, or when a plantation NGO (PWSC) asked for RM750 for the estate workers? "We are as concerned about workers' wages, but we must ensure we remain competitive in the global context as well," said Fong Chan Onn, the previous Human Resources Minister. This is just one example of the government's response. Their concern is a RM900 minimum wage would lead to a surge in migrant workers from neighboring countries, as Malaysian wages would rise well above the average pay in those places. He pointed out that a minimum wage would mean paying the same amount to the 1.5 million legal foreign workers already here.
So the argument from the government is (1) minimum wage which is decent will mean (foreign) investors will pack their bags and run away to China or India or Vietnam or Thailand or..., and (2) minimum wage which is decent will mean more immigrants will be flooding this country because of our higher exchange rate.
So basically, the government is flooding our labor force with foreign workers from Indonesia, Bangladesh etc, so that the employers (foreign investors mostly) can keep paying inhumane salary so that their companies will flourish. And when they find better avenues elsewhere, which they probably, EVENTUALLY will (coz there will always be other countries that have lower exchange rate and cheap labor), what will happen to us? Aren't we just pushing away the inevitable, and living on borrowed time?
Now, why can't the geniuses in our government figure out that
A. Foreign investments are supposed to make our lives better, NOT WORSE!!
B. The profit the country makes from foreign investments on the back of our low paid workers should be given back to the laborers through social benefits such as child benefits, housing benefits, supplementary living cost allowances, etc to help them cope with their low pay, but sky-high living costs!
C. Stop the flooding of our labor markets with slaves from Indonesia, Bangladesh etc, through IMMIGRATION CONTROL and LABOR LAWS. So that employers are forced to employ local workers with decent pay.
D. Find OTHER WAYS to energize our economy, and not just depend on foreign manufacturing companies. Such as our own companies that produce quality products. Japan has done it, China and India are doing it, why can't we??
E. SPEND THE MONEY in R&D, instead of on Masjid Kristal, Putrajaya Mansions, Space Tourism, Monsoon Cup (during Monsoon??) and other Bolehland mega projects. Which we KNOW are million or billion dollar projects which are INFLATED to benefit some cronies.
F. The only reason we cannot seem to carry out R&D to produce innovative products to market is because our blasted education system favors mediocrity over meritocracy, and chases away future scientists to foreign lands.
Oh, and by the way, Sime Darby is a MALAYSIAN company.
courtesy of tides of changes
Negri Sembilan National Union of Plantation Workers secretary P. Santa Kumar said it regretted that the estate management had failed to refer to the worker’s union representative but instead informed the workers in a circular that they were not allowed to grow vegetables, keep animals, or plant coconut and banana trees for extra income.
He said the union had arranged for a meeting with state executive councillor and Jeram Padang assemblyman V. Mohan and state human resources officers to discuss the matter.
For those who are not aware, the minimum wage for an estate worker is RM350! And that's only if he shows up for work, so that is not technically "minimum wage".Meanwhile, in the private sector at large, there is also no "minimum wage".
According to Asia Times on July 18, 2007, most factories pay a basic salary of Rm350. Even five-star hotels in Kuala Lumpur pay a basic wage of RM290 per month to cleaners and waiters!
Now, the official poverty line is RM691 in Peninsular Malaysia and RM765/RM888 in Sarawak and Sabah respectively. So someone earning around RM300 is not only poor, they are DIRT POOR. Coz they will not be able to afford the RM30000 low cost houses (which by the way, sometimes sold to upper income owners if you know the "insiders"), nor can they afford a proper vehicle, nor can they afford schooling for their children, and not even decent groceries! To summarize, I imagine their living conditions are INHUMANE. To make ends meet, they probably would have to borrow money, and go into debts that they can never hope to repay. And now, for the estate workers, not being allowed to make side-income is going to make their lives even worse (if that is possible!).
And what is the stand of the government when MTUC demanded minimum pay of RM900 for private sector workers, or when a plantation NGO (PWSC) asked for RM750 for the estate workers? "We are as concerned about workers' wages, but we must ensure we remain competitive in the global context as well," said Fong Chan Onn, the previous Human Resources Minister. This is just one example of the government's response. Their concern is a RM900 minimum wage would lead to a surge in migrant workers from neighboring countries, as Malaysian wages would rise well above the average pay in those places. He pointed out that a minimum wage would mean paying the same amount to the 1.5 million legal foreign workers already here.
So the argument from the government is (1) minimum wage which is decent will mean (foreign) investors will pack their bags and run away to China or India or Vietnam or Thailand or..., and (2) minimum wage which is decent will mean more immigrants will be flooding this country because of our higher exchange rate.
So basically, the government is flooding our labor force with foreign workers from Indonesia, Bangladesh etc, so that the employers (foreign investors mostly) can keep paying inhumane salary so that their companies will flourish. And when they find better avenues elsewhere, which they probably, EVENTUALLY will (coz there will always be other countries that have lower exchange rate and cheap labor), what will happen to us? Aren't we just pushing away the inevitable, and living on borrowed time?
Now, why can't the geniuses in our government figure out that
A. Foreign investments are supposed to make our lives better, NOT WORSE!!
B. The profit the country makes from foreign investments on the back of our low paid workers should be given back to the laborers through social benefits such as child benefits, housing benefits, supplementary living cost allowances, etc to help them cope with their low pay, but sky-high living costs!
C. Stop the flooding of our labor markets with slaves from Indonesia, Bangladesh etc, through IMMIGRATION CONTROL and LABOR LAWS. So that employers are forced to employ local workers with decent pay.
D. Find OTHER WAYS to energize our economy, and not just depend on foreign manufacturing companies. Such as our own companies that produce quality products. Japan has done it, China and India are doing it, why can't we??
E. SPEND THE MONEY in R&D, instead of on Masjid Kristal, Putrajaya Mansions, Space Tourism, Monsoon Cup (during Monsoon??) and other Bolehland mega projects. Which we KNOW are million or billion dollar projects which are INFLATED to benefit some cronies.
F. The only reason we cannot seem to carry out R&D to produce innovative products to market is because our blasted education system favors mediocrity over meritocracy, and chases away future scientists to foreign lands.
Oh, and by the way, Sime Darby is a MALAYSIAN company.
courtesy of tides of changes
The Samy Flip Flop: Then and Now
On January 9, 2008, when The Samy was a Works Minister, and a UMNO lacky, Malaysiakini reported in their article Samy blasted for "lies and half truths" that The Samy, who was in a two day conference in New Delhi which focused on Indian diaspora was vehemently denying that Indians were marginalized. Here is a snippet of one of the attendees statements:
“He was asked by everyone here as to what is happening to the Indians in Malaysia. On every occasion he told them that everything was fine and that we are doing very well,” said S Nadarajah, a Kuala-Lumpur-based management consultant who attended the meeting in his personal capacity to represent the ‘India Baru’ (community members with a new awareness). “He told the participants and the Indian media that there were no cases of the Indian community being marginalised in Malaysia. He kept repeating these lies and half-truths throughout the meeting,” he told Malaysiakini today.
Malaysiakini reports: He was also constantly mobbed by the Indian media who were keen to find out about the true situation of the Indian community in this country. In several media interviews, Samy Vellu had said that the Indian community was not being marginalised and that they were 'misled' by Hindraf.
Malaysiakini further reports: Yesterday, (January 9th 2008), in an interview on TV3, he also lashed out at several Malaysians who were eager to dispute him in New Delhi.
“Here I am telling the Indians that we are all doing well and that the Indian community in Malaysia is well taken care of and yet there are some individuals who rebut me by stating the opposite,” he told TV3. He even named Nadarajah as one such person, claiming that he (Nadarajah) was a PPP member who had deviated from BN principles by attacking the government in India. Nadarajah denied today that he was a PPP member. This was confirmed by PPP as well.
So according to The Samy, everything was fine and dandy with the Indian community in Malaysia. That probably includes the displaced plantation workers whose houses are lost to developers, and who are staying in slums now. Not to mention those plantation workers whose salaries are capped at around RM400. Yipeee! What a beautiful life they lead...
BUT WAIT...
The Samy speaks again, this time on March 22, 2008, after he lost his seat in Sungai Siput, and his cabinet post as Works Minister. Here is a snippet from Malaysiakini:
The MIC wants the government to speed up the implementation of the various programmes and plans that was promised for the Indian community before the last general election, said party president S Samy Vellu.
In a statement today, he said any more delays would only cause anxiety and unhappiness among the Indians. "We want the Indian community to move forward with the other communities," he added.
Samy Vellu said MIC and the Indian community will not tolerate any more excuses or delays on the part of the authorities in implementing the programmes and plans already agreed upon. "We want immediate and concrete actions," he said, adding that MIC has already submitted several reports on how the government could help the Indians in several fields.
Samy Vellu said the Indians have slogged for the country for the past 145 years working in estates and construction sectors and now found themselves displaced after many estates were closed.
He also cited an example where many Indian families were forced to live in slumps after they were evicted from their land that has been earmarked for the double-tracking railway project.
Samy Vellu said there should be more action and less planning "because all the planning and proposals have been submitted to the government".
Right. So what should we believe? The Samy THEN, or The Samy NOW?
Has The Samy suddenly found his balls when he lost the elections? Where have these balls been when he was an MP?
According to The Samy, Indians were not marginalized in January 2008, but in March 2008, suddenly, they have become marginalized...3 months...
Or is The Samy up to his tricks again, trying to "empathize" with those slum people, so that they can see that he is now serious about defending their rights, so that the slum people will support MIC again, so that MIC comes back to power, so that The Samy can then claim "Indians not marginalized" again, so that .....
If this doesn't prove that the Indian community does not need a race-based party to support their plight, I don't know what does! Because the race based party is nothing more than a "yes man" to the government (who does the marginaLIZING). When a race based party is no longer in power, they will suddenly find their voice and their balls!
courtesy of tides of changes
“He was asked by everyone here as to what is happening to the Indians in Malaysia. On every occasion he told them that everything was fine and that we are doing very well,” said S Nadarajah, a Kuala-Lumpur-based management consultant who attended the meeting in his personal capacity to represent the ‘India Baru’ (community members with a new awareness). “He told the participants and the Indian media that there were no cases of the Indian community being marginalised in Malaysia. He kept repeating these lies and half-truths throughout the meeting,” he told Malaysiakini today.
Malaysiakini reports: He was also constantly mobbed by the Indian media who were keen to find out about the true situation of the Indian community in this country. In several media interviews, Samy Vellu had said that the Indian community was not being marginalised and that they were 'misled' by Hindraf.
Malaysiakini further reports: Yesterday, (January 9th 2008), in an interview on TV3, he also lashed out at several Malaysians who were eager to dispute him in New Delhi.
“Here I am telling the Indians that we are all doing well and that the Indian community in Malaysia is well taken care of and yet there are some individuals who rebut me by stating the opposite,” he told TV3. He even named Nadarajah as one such person, claiming that he (Nadarajah) was a PPP member who had deviated from BN principles by attacking the government in India. Nadarajah denied today that he was a PPP member. This was confirmed by PPP as well.
So according to The Samy, everything was fine and dandy with the Indian community in Malaysia. That probably includes the displaced plantation workers whose houses are lost to developers, and who are staying in slums now. Not to mention those plantation workers whose salaries are capped at around RM400. Yipeee! What a beautiful life they lead...
BUT WAIT...
The Samy speaks again, this time on March 22, 2008, after he lost his seat in Sungai Siput, and his cabinet post as Works Minister. Here is a snippet from Malaysiakini:
The MIC wants the government to speed up the implementation of the various programmes and plans that was promised for the Indian community before the last general election, said party president S Samy Vellu.
In a statement today, he said any more delays would only cause anxiety and unhappiness among the Indians. "We want the Indian community to move forward with the other communities," he added.
Samy Vellu said MIC and the Indian community will not tolerate any more excuses or delays on the part of the authorities in implementing the programmes and plans already agreed upon. "We want immediate and concrete actions," he said, adding that MIC has already submitted several reports on how the government could help the Indians in several fields.
Samy Vellu said the Indians have slogged for the country for the past 145 years working in estates and construction sectors and now found themselves displaced after many estates were closed.
He also cited an example where many Indian families were forced to live in slumps after they were evicted from their land that has been earmarked for the double-tracking railway project.
Samy Vellu said there should be more action and less planning "because all the planning and proposals have been submitted to the government".
Right. So what should we believe? The Samy THEN, or The Samy NOW?
Has The Samy suddenly found his balls when he lost the elections? Where have these balls been when he was an MP?
According to The Samy, Indians were not marginalized in January 2008, but in March 2008, suddenly, they have become marginalized...3 months...
Or is The Samy up to his tricks again, trying to "empathize" with those slum people, so that they can see that he is now serious about defending their rights, so that the slum people will support MIC again, so that MIC comes back to power, so that The Samy can then claim "Indians not marginalized" again, so that .....
If this doesn't prove that the Indian community does not need a race-based party to support their plight, I don't know what does! Because the race based party is nothing more than a "yes man" to the government (who does the marginaLIZING). When a race based party is no longer in power, they will suddenly find their voice and their balls!
courtesy of tides of changes
The new Cabinet: Racial distribution and the impact on Indians
Malaysiakini and The Star reported the full list of the new Malaysian Government cabinet line up. This article questions the race distribution algorithm behind the choice of the cabinet members, and tries to understand the impact on Indians.
In the new cabinet, there were 2 main glaring changes: (1) Rafidah Aziz is out, and (2) MIC lost the Works Ministry. The first, I celebrated. The second, made me pause.
The only full Ministership for an Indian is given to S. Subramaniam to head Human Resources. The Deputy Ministerships went to SK Devamany (Prime Minister Dept), Saravanan (Federal Territories) and Kohillan Pilay from Gerakan (Plantation Industries and Commodities).
Now, just for the sake of statistics, since the government is all about statistics on Malays vs Chinese vs Indians, lets do some numbers. There are 71 total members of the cabinet (correct me if I am wrong here). Out of the 71, 34 are full Ministers, the rest are deputies. Out of the 34, there are 4 Chinese, and 1 Indian. And out of the total cabinet, there are 15 Chinese and 4 Indians. So that gives 21.1% Chinese, and 5.6% Indians in the cabinet. For full Ministerships, (the post which actually matters), 11.7% are Chinese, and 2.9% is Indian (singular). Going by the same argument the government uses for University intakes, 60% should be Malays, 20 something % should be Chinese, and 10% should be Indians, can the government make clear why the Chinese and Indians are glaringly lacking in the cabinet? Now and before?
The excuse that MIC and MCA lost badly doesn't make sense. This race distribution has almost always been the case in the BN government. Besides, even UMNO has lost drastically in the current elections. Furthermore, cabinet members can also be selected through Senatorships (people who have lost the election, or never took part), so couldn't the government find qualified Chinese and Indians in the cabinet, just to make up the numbers, and better still, improve their tarnished racial (UMNO?) bias reputation?
Whatever. I just wanted to do some statistics here simply because I had a little too much time in my hands, besides really really being curious to know what is the algorithm behind the cabinet membership. Can someone clarify?
Now, in lots of statistical methods, weights are given to the data, to represent the importance of each data. Take Human Resources (skills) versus Works Ministry (toll). If your priority is in $$$, which Ministry will you choose? Duh. So that leaves Indians with a percentage approaching ZERO.
So what is the impact on Indians in general?
Besides making those Indians in MIC feel dejected, NOTHING.
This is because, in a polarized, race based coalition government, Indians are represented by MIC, Chinese by MCA and Malays by UMNO. So the following deduction is applied:
If UMNO is the defender of Malay rights only,
And if the Prime Minister is the head of UMNO,
The Prime Minister defends Malay rights only.
If Indians have problems, like if their village doesn't have electricity, temples are being demolished, no schools in their area, etc, they are required to see the MIC head, and not the PM. This was slyly, and implicitly (if not explicitly) admitted by our great ex-PM himself, Tun Dr Mahathir (EITHER you get Indian support OR Malay support, remember?).
So Indians are expected to see S. Subramaniam next, when Samy Vellu leaves. So what has changed? Besides making Subra less richer, NOTHING.
courtesy of tides of change
In the new cabinet, there were 2 main glaring changes: (1) Rafidah Aziz is out, and (2) MIC lost the Works Ministry. The first, I celebrated. The second, made me pause.
The only full Ministership for an Indian is given to S. Subramaniam to head Human Resources. The Deputy Ministerships went to SK Devamany (Prime Minister Dept), Saravanan (Federal Territories) and Kohillan Pilay from Gerakan (Plantation Industries and Commodities).
Now, just for the sake of statistics, since the government is all about statistics on Malays vs Chinese vs Indians, lets do some numbers. There are 71 total members of the cabinet (correct me if I am wrong here). Out of the 71, 34 are full Ministers, the rest are deputies. Out of the 34, there are 4 Chinese, and 1 Indian. And out of the total cabinet, there are 15 Chinese and 4 Indians. So that gives 21.1% Chinese, and 5.6% Indians in the cabinet. For full Ministerships, (the post which actually matters), 11.7% are Chinese, and 2.9% is Indian (singular). Going by the same argument the government uses for University intakes, 60% should be Malays, 20 something % should be Chinese, and 10% should be Indians, can the government make clear why the Chinese and Indians are glaringly lacking in the cabinet? Now and before?
The excuse that MIC and MCA lost badly doesn't make sense. This race distribution has almost always been the case in the BN government. Besides, even UMNO has lost drastically in the current elections. Furthermore, cabinet members can also be selected through Senatorships (people who have lost the election, or never took part), so couldn't the government find qualified Chinese and Indians in the cabinet, just to make up the numbers, and better still, improve their tarnished racial (UMNO?) bias reputation?
Whatever. I just wanted to do some statistics here simply because I had a little too much time in my hands, besides really really being curious to know what is the algorithm behind the cabinet membership. Can someone clarify?
Now, in lots of statistical methods, weights are given to the data, to represent the importance of each data. Take Human Resources (skills) versus Works Ministry (toll). If your priority is in $$$, which Ministry will you choose? Duh. So that leaves Indians with a percentage approaching ZERO.
So what is the impact on Indians in general?
Besides making those Indians in MIC feel dejected, NOTHING.
This is because, in a polarized, race based coalition government, Indians are represented by MIC, Chinese by MCA and Malays by UMNO. So the following deduction is applied:
If UMNO is the defender of Malay rights only,
And if the Prime Minister is the head of UMNO,
The Prime Minister defends Malay rights only.
If Indians have problems, like if their village doesn't have electricity, temples are being demolished, no schools in their area, etc, they are required to see the MIC head, and not the PM. This was slyly, and implicitly (if not explicitly) admitted by our great ex-PM himself, Tun Dr Mahathir (EITHER you get Indian support OR Malay support, remember?).
So Indians are expected to see S. Subramaniam next, when Samy Vellu leaves. So what has changed? Besides making Subra less richer, NOTHING.
courtesy of tides of change
Tuesday, March 25, 2008
Is the BN’s economic model sustainable?
Is our current model of economic development sustainable in the long-run, wonders Anil Netto. What will happen when our oil wells dry up? What has been the environmental cost? These are issues that our political parties – both the BN and the Opposition - must address.
One of the reasons for holding the elections well before the current five-year term of Parliament ends in May 2009 is, I believe, the gloomy outlook for the global economy which could spill over into the economies of this region. It is no secret that the US economy is in deep trouble. The latest outlook is a severe recession that could last at least a year or longer. Worse, it points to a global economic slowdown especially in Europe.
The root of the problem can be traced to the 1980s, when US financial markets were “deregulated”. This deregulation allowed greed to flourish and compensated for the slow growth in consumer demand and profits in the real economy. Financial institutions introduced all sorts of new and little understood financial instruments such as derivatives to provide easy credit, stimulate demand, and make a quick buck. The gap between the financial markets and the real economy widened.
Easy, cheap credit spawned a housing bubble, which has finally burst, resulting in a housing recession. House-owners, many of whom should not have qualified to receive adjustable interest mortages in the first place, are defaulting on their (sub-prime) mortgage payments. Financial institutions that profited from the flood of cheap credit and then repackaged mortgages into exotic financial instruments - and bond insurers are now in dire straights. They are looking for bailouts from public funds. US consumer confidence has slumped and retail sales are falling. Credit has tightened. The dollar is sliding on the weight of US$9 trillion in debt. There is now a severe systemic financial crisis in the United States. It is the first major crisis of corporate globalisation along with its ideology of financial liberalisation and deregulation. The risk of a financial meltdown is now rising.
The financial turbulence has not had much impact on East Asia, including Malaysia, so far. We are fairly insulated as we are not yet fully integrated into the global financial system. Moreover, we have been blessed with natural resources such as petroleum while commodity prices are high. In fact, Malaysia posted its 10th consecutive year of trade surplus last year: RM101 billion, the second highest ever recorded. Our other major export destinations include Singapore, Japan and China. Mainstream analysts say we are sufficiently “decoupled” from the United States and that we can rely on our exports to these other markets and high commodity prices to take up the slack in US demand.
But as the global recession spreads, that could change. Already, there was a 14.5 per cent drop in exports to the United States last year, which usually absorbs a fifth of Malaysian exports. China, whose huge external reserves are keeping the US financial system afloat, is heavily dependent on exports to the United States to keep its own industrial base chugging along (even though, like India, it has a significant domestic market as well). As economist Walden Bello notes, “talk about a process of “decoupling” of regional economies, especially the Asian economic region, from the United States has been without substance”. He notes that many East and Southeast Asian economies have been pulled along by the “Chinese locomotive”. But China largely imports intermediate goods for manufacturing and in turn exports finished goods to the United States and the EU. If consumer demand in the United States and the EU falters, that could lead to a chain reaction: exports to China from the Asian tigers could slow down as well.
Meanwhile, if the Malaysian economy is growing, if commodity prices are soaring, if the trade surplus is soaring, why are so many ordinary urban Malaysians struggling to make ends meet? Why are food prices rising? Why is the gap between the rich and the poor so wide? Is the BN’s model of economic development and growth itself widening the gap?
We should examine what impact the BN’s adoption of neoliberal policies and the corporatisation of agriculture has had. These policies include tax cuts for the rich, cuts in government social spending (to compensate for the tax cuts), privatisation to cronies, and promoting labour “flexibility” (a euphemism for undermining labour rights). Isn’t it true that such policies have concentrated wealth in the hands of a few while widening the gap between the rich and the poor?
Should we proceed with further financial liberalisation (with the US-Malaysia FTA, negotiations for which are still under way in secret) given the obvious mess created by such “deregulation” or lack of independent regulatory supervision.
Are regional economic corridors – the result of top-down economic planning by government-linked companies who are also thinking of their own interests – the way to go? Will the fruit of the economic growth from these corridors end up with the huge corporations leaving the crumbs for the people? Shouldn’t we be considering alternative, broad-based economic policies that would really improve the lot of the poor from the bottom-up.
For a start, we must introduce a minimum wage that would stimulate domestic demand, reduce poverty and keep the local economy purring. We must protect labour – Malaysian and migrant workers - from being exploited by capital. We must train, upgrade and empower our workers. We must invest in public health care, education and affordable housing.
Finally, is our current model of economic development sustainable in the long-run? What will happen when our oil wells dry up? What has been the environmental cost? These are issues that our political parties – both the BN and the Opposition - must address.
by Anil Netto - posted in Aliran
One of the reasons for holding the elections well before the current five-year term of Parliament ends in May 2009 is, I believe, the gloomy outlook for the global economy which could spill over into the economies of this region. It is no secret that the US economy is in deep trouble. The latest outlook is a severe recession that could last at least a year or longer. Worse, it points to a global economic slowdown especially in Europe.
The root of the problem can be traced to the 1980s, when US financial markets were “deregulated”. This deregulation allowed greed to flourish and compensated for the slow growth in consumer demand and profits in the real economy. Financial institutions introduced all sorts of new and little understood financial instruments such as derivatives to provide easy credit, stimulate demand, and make a quick buck. The gap between the financial markets and the real economy widened.
Easy, cheap credit spawned a housing bubble, which has finally burst, resulting in a housing recession. House-owners, many of whom should not have qualified to receive adjustable interest mortages in the first place, are defaulting on their (sub-prime) mortgage payments. Financial institutions that profited from the flood of cheap credit and then repackaged mortgages into exotic financial instruments - and bond insurers are now in dire straights. They are looking for bailouts from public funds. US consumer confidence has slumped and retail sales are falling. Credit has tightened. The dollar is sliding on the weight of US$9 trillion in debt. There is now a severe systemic financial crisis in the United States. It is the first major crisis of corporate globalisation along with its ideology of financial liberalisation and deregulation. The risk of a financial meltdown is now rising.
The financial turbulence has not had much impact on East Asia, including Malaysia, so far. We are fairly insulated as we are not yet fully integrated into the global financial system. Moreover, we have been blessed with natural resources such as petroleum while commodity prices are high. In fact, Malaysia posted its 10th consecutive year of trade surplus last year: RM101 billion, the second highest ever recorded. Our other major export destinations include Singapore, Japan and China. Mainstream analysts say we are sufficiently “decoupled” from the United States and that we can rely on our exports to these other markets and high commodity prices to take up the slack in US demand.
But as the global recession spreads, that could change. Already, there was a 14.5 per cent drop in exports to the United States last year, which usually absorbs a fifth of Malaysian exports. China, whose huge external reserves are keeping the US financial system afloat, is heavily dependent on exports to the United States to keep its own industrial base chugging along (even though, like India, it has a significant domestic market as well). As economist Walden Bello notes, “talk about a process of “decoupling” of regional economies, especially the Asian economic region, from the United States has been without substance”. He notes that many East and Southeast Asian economies have been pulled along by the “Chinese locomotive”. But China largely imports intermediate goods for manufacturing and in turn exports finished goods to the United States and the EU. If consumer demand in the United States and the EU falters, that could lead to a chain reaction: exports to China from the Asian tigers could slow down as well.
Meanwhile, if the Malaysian economy is growing, if commodity prices are soaring, if the trade surplus is soaring, why are so many ordinary urban Malaysians struggling to make ends meet? Why are food prices rising? Why is the gap between the rich and the poor so wide? Is the BN’s model of economic development and growth itself widening the gap?
We should examine what impact the BN’s adoption of neoliberal policies and the corporatisation of agriculture has had. These policies include tax cuts for the rich, cuts in government social spending (to compensate for the tax cuts), privatisation to cronies, and promoting labour “flexibility” (a euphemism for undermining labour rights). Isn’t it true that such policies have concentrated wealth in the hands of a few while widening the gap between the rich and the poor?
Should we proceed with further financial liberalisation (with the US-Malaysia FTA, negotiations for which are still under way in secret) given the obvious mess created by such “deregulation” or lack of independent regulatory supervision.
Are regional economic corridors – the result of top-down economic planning by government-linked companies who are also thinking of their own interests – the way to go? Will the fruit of the economic growth from these corridors end up with the huge corporations leaving the crumbs for the people? Shouldn’t we be considering alternative, broad-based economic policies that would really improve the lot of the poor from the bottom-up.
For a start, we must introduce a minimum wage that would stimulate domestic demand, reduce poverty and keep the local economy purring. We must protect labour – Malaysian and migrant workers - from being exploited by capital. We must train, upgrade and empower our workers. We must invest in public health care, education and affordable housing.
Finally, is our current model of economic development sustainable in the long-run? What will happen when our oil wells dry up? What has been the environmental cost? These are issues that our political parties – both the BN and the Opposition - must address.
by Anil Netto - posted in Aliran
Penang schools told to keep State Govt out - BN's childish ploy
School heads in Penang have been instructed or “advised” not to invite State Government leaders and elected representatives from the DAP-PKR as VIPs and guests-of-honour. The message was conveyed during a briefing last Wednesday by a senior official from the Penang Education Department, which comes under the federal-level Education Ministry.
The directive/”advice” to play on the safe-side was made verbally (and not in writing), according to a principal of a school in Penang and confirmed by another senior staff member from the same school. They were understandably indignant at the ruling.
This just shows the kind of small-mindedness among certain Education Dept/Ministry officials. I believe even DAP-PKR state assembly members who are not holding exco posts may now not be invited as VIPs/guests-of-honour to schools.
Take a look at this year’s Penang Schools Sports Council (MSSPP) meet, which is opening today in Batu Kawan and closing on Friday. The Penang school sports meet traditionally has been officially opened by the Governor of Penang and closed by the Penang Chief Minister. But this time around, my second source said that the invitation cards issued to schools indicates that the closing ceremony will be officiated by the State Education Director.
I wonder if there is a similar ruling/”advice” in the other four opposition-controlled states. Perhaps readers of this blog who are school heads can tell us.
But I think there is a silver lining. This directive will, unwittingly, give the new Penang State Government leaders more time to spend on running the state efficiently, instead of wasting time officiating at routine school functions. Though I am sure the Education Department officials did not have that in mind!
Now, the question is, will USM officials follow suit and avoid State Government leaders like the plague?
The directive/”advice” to play on the safe-side was made verbally (and not in writing), according to a principal of a school in Penang and confirmed by another senior staff member from the same school. They were understandably indignant at the ruling.
This just shows the kind of small-mindedness among certain Education Dept/Ministry officials. I believe even DAP-PKR state assembly members who are not holding exco posts may now not be invited as VIPs/guests-of-honour to schools.
Take a look at this year’s Penang Schools Sports Council (MSSPP) meet, which is opening today in Batu Kawan and closing on Friday. The Penang school sports meet traditionally has been officially opened by the Governor of Penang and closed by the Penang Chief Minister. But this time around, my second source said that the invitation cards issued to schools indicates that the closing ceremony will be officiated by the State Education Director.
I wonder if there is a similar ruling/”advice” in the other four opposition-controlled states. Perhaps readers of this blog who are school heads can tell us.
But I think there is a silver lining. This directive will, unwittingly, give the new Penang State Government leaders more time to spend on running the state efficiently, instead of wasting time officiating at routine school functions. Though I am sure the Education Department officials did not have that in mind!
Now, the question is, will USM officials follow suit and avoid State Government leaders like the plague?
New politics and the Indian Malaysian - Thanks to HINDRAF
The facts of the 12th general election have been recounted several times, but not the meaning of events of the socio-political drama that unfolded and burst into the public arena over the last six months, leading up to polling day.
On the ground, the election results are the outcome:
(i) the history of what the Barisan Nasional (BN) government has actually done for the people and this nation since independence,
(ii) political and campaign strategies of the individual parties or their coalitions,
(iii) systematic manipulation of the voting system and constituencies and lastly,
(iv) easy access to new information and communication technologies by all political contenders.
Among the factors, it is in the history of this nation that we need to look closely and to identify definite trends that have given us what we are experiencing today. A few centuries ago, an European social commentator and revolutionary said ‘History moves forward qualitatively only on the side of and through the agency of the oppressed and marginalised. It is they who provide the social ground that offer History a new Future’.
In a sense, history had thrust upon the Indian Malaysian (specifically the Tamils) that special responsibility. The 12th general election was the temporal space where history conspired to give us the opportunity for that ‘an-other’ Malaysia to which many of us aspire.
Indian Malaysians have faired extremely well in that effort. They have pushed the agenda of a new politics for Malaysia. On hindsight, the rise of the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) and later Makkal Sakthi, is undeniably a critical turning point in Malaysian politics.
They represent not just organisational politics but really the spirit of a marginalised community aspiring for fairness. With this development, emerged a social instrument that has now given us all an opportunity to break the hold of ethnocracy in Malaysia and dismantle the ethnic model of politics. We have an opportunity to look beyond that model, the limits of which was reached by the end of the last century.
One of the main icons of ethnic politics in Malaysia, the MIC and its head S Samy Vellu, supposedly represented the Indians in BN. But the increasing problems of the community and the inability of the MIC leadership to deal with these adequately only led to the accumulation of disenchantment.
The frustration, humiliation and disappointment Indians (in particular the Tamils) felt intensely was bound to take a social and communal form and it did. Indeed, Makkal Sakthi (people power) has become conscious of itself and its role.
The mainstream media, BN national leaders and Samy Vellu dismissed all these critical developments. One editorial in New Straits Times trivialised the anger of the Indian/Tamil people expressed through Hindraf.
Samy Vellu did not see what was coming his way. He even thought the observation of Thaipusam at Batu Caves was a success when the community knew it was not. He thought the Indians/Tamil would vote in the MIC leaders to power without carefully listening to the murmurings on the ground even among once-staunch MIC supporters. But it is all to clear now.
The angry Indian/Tamil Malaysians have not only thrown Samy Vellu out of power but have also, directly and with help of other Malaysians, left the MIC in disarray. The party is now actually useless to the Indian Malaysian community, which also does not want MIC to represent it.
Common destiny
MIC cannot now claim to represent Indian Malaysians in the BN and the government. Whatever BN may do to include Indian Malaysians, the BN now cannot claim to run a successful ethnic consociational model of politics.
A new political language needs to be framed. And it must be framed by the new young parliamentarians who will now speak for all of us, including Indian Malaysians.
Along with many concerned citizens, the Indian Malaysian community has delivered to all Malaysians the opportunity for nurturing a new politics. And in this challenging interim period, they have done that at great risk and further marginalisation as a community, if those who have been elected to power i.e. the opposition, do not subscribe to a politics beyond the ethnic model and beyond ethnocracy or theocracy.
The Indian Malaysian community needs active intervention of parties like the DAP, PKR and PAS (if it really believes that the spirit of Islam is for all) to take up their cause. There is an urgent need to subscribe to politics that sees the problems and needs of Malaysians as the common problems and needs of a people governed by a common destiny.
While needs and problems can be specific to definite Malaysian communities like the Kadazans, Chinese, Indians or Malays, they need to be framed as national problems or needs and addressed with national concern and sensitivity. There is no room for ethnicisation and politicisation of the problems of the citizens, particularly when it involves access to basic goods and services, like water and housing.
For this orientation to really get rooted in Malaysia, we need that new political language of dialogue and inclusiveness urgently, knowing well that it is going to take some time and challenges to institutionalise it.
It is the responsibility of the opposition and the new set of young parliamentarians to give us this as soon as possible. They have to balance their social commitment, the demands of their parties and arrive at a workable minimum programme for inter-party relationship and cooperation.
We are at a threshold of a new future for the future generations and us. Can we nurture, shape and sustain it…together with single-mindedness?
On the ground, the election results are the outcome:
(i) the history of what the Barisan Nasional (BN) government has actually done for the people and this nation since independence,
(ii) political and campaign strategies of the individual parties or their coalitions,
(iii) systematic manipulation of the voting system and constituencies and lastly,
(iv) easy access to new information and communication technologies by all political contenders.
Among the factors, it is in the history of this nation that we need to look closely and to identify definite trends that have given us what we are experiencing today. A few centuries ago, an European social commentator and revolutionary said ‘History moves forward qualitatively only on the side of and through the agency of the oppressed and marginalised. It is they who provide the social ground that offer History a new Future’.
In a sense, history had thrust upon the Indian Malaysian (specifically the Tamils) that special responsibility. The 12th general election was the temporal space where history conspired to give us the opportunity for that ‘an-other’ Malaysia to which many of us aspire.
Indian Malaysians have faired extremely well in that effort. They have pushed the agenda of a new politics for Malaysia. On hindsight, the rise of the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) and later Makkal Sakthi, is undeniably a critical turning point in Malaysian politics.
They represent not just organisational politics but really the spirit of a marginalised community aspiring for fairness. With this development, emerged a social instrument that has now given us all an opportunity to break the hold of ethnocracy in Malaysia and dismantle the ethnic model of politics. We have an opportunity to look beyond that model, the limits of which was reached by the end of the last century.
One of the main icons of ethnic politics in Malaysia, the MIC and its head S Samy Vellu, supposedly represented the Indians in BN. But the increasing problems of the community and the inability of the MIC leadership to deal with these adequately only led to the accumulation of disenchantment.
The frustration, humiliation and disappointment Indians (in particular the Tamils) felt intensely was bound to take a social and communal form and it did. Indeed, Makkal Sakthi (people power) has become conscious of itself and its role.
The mainstream media, BN national leaders and Samy Vellu dismissed all these critical developments. One editorial in New Straits Times trivialised the anger of the Indian/Tamil people expressed through Hindraf.
Samy Vellu did not see what was coming his way. He even thought the observation of Thaipusam at Batu Caves was a success when the community knew it was not. He thought the Indians/Tamil would vote in the MIC leaders to power without carefully listening to the murmurings on the ground even among once-staunch MIC supporters. But it is all to clear now.
The angry Indian/Tamil Malaysians have not only thrown Samy Vellu out of power but have also, directly and with help of other Malaysians, left the MIC in disarray. The party is now actually useless to the Indian Malaysian community, which also does not want MIC to represent it.
Common destiny
MIC cannot now claim to represent Indian Malaysians in the BN and the government. Whatever BN may do to include Indian Malaysians, the BN now cannot claim to run a successful ethnic consociational model of politics.
A new political language needs to be framed. And it must be framed by the new young parliamentarians who will now speak for all of us, including Indian Malaysians.
Along with many concerned citizens, the Indian Malaysian community has delivered to all Malaysians the opportunity for nurturing a new politics. And in this challenging interim period, they have done that at great risk and further marginalisation as a community, if those who have been elected to power i.e. the opposition, do not subscribe to a politics beyond the ethnic model and beyond ethnocracy or theocracy.
The Indian Malaysian community needs active intervention of parties like the DAP, PKR and PAS (if it really believes that the spirit of Islam is for all) to take up their cause. There is an urgent need to subscribe to politics that sees the problems and needs of Malaysians as the common problems and needs of a people governed by a common destiny.
While needs and problems can be specific to definite Malaysian communities like the Kadazans, Chinese, Indians or Malays, they need to be framed as national problems or needs and addressed with national concern and sensitivity. There is no room for ethnicisation and politicisation of the problems of the citizens, particularly when it involves access to basic goods and services, like water and housing.
For this orientation to really get rooted in Malaysia, we need that new political language of dialogue and inclusiveness urgently, knowing well that it is going to take some time and challenges to institutionalise it.
It is the responsibility of the opposition and the new set of young parliamentarians to give us this as soon as possible. They have to balance their social commitment, the demands of their parties and arrive at a workable minimum programme for inter-party relationship and cooperation.
We are at a threshold of a new future for the future generations and us. Can we nurture, shape and sustain it…together with single-mindedness?
Dr Subra: March 8 an awakening - Can you believe it?
What had unraveled on March 8 will be discussed even decades from now. This was the day the Barisan Nasional (BN) fortress cracked.
The date is also significant for MIC since it marked the party's worst ever performance in half a century.
A party that was accustomed to the sweetness of victory was suddenly forced to taste the bitterness of defeat in 18 of its 28 seats.
MIC's future and relevance have since come under intense scrutiny.
Its leaders however believe that MIC will rise again. And one such leader is secretary-general Dr S Subramaniam.
The doctor's prognosis is that while the wound is deep, the ailing party can - with the right treatment - be nursed back to health.
Subramaniam is the new Indian representative in the cabinet after nearly three decades. He joins the elite fraternity as the human resources minister after veteran party president and former works minister S Samy Vellu was vanquished in his stronghold.
On his first day in office at the administrative capital of Putrajaya yesterday, Subramaniam spoke to Malaysiakini about his appointment, the status of MIC and its future.
Great expectations
The polls, according to him, not only bore testimony to the political awakening of the Indian community, but also served to jolt MIC and its leaders.
To deny that the recent events had no effect will be nothing short of a fallacy, he said, adding that the party is now changing, re-equipping and re-organising its strategies to face the challenges that lay ahead.
Subramaniam is also well aware of the community's expectations of him as the sole Indian cabinet member, a position which he never - even in his 'wildest dreams' - had expected to land.
"My initial reaction was that it was a responsibility bestowed because of a rather unfortunate situation. I have prepared myself physically and mentally to meet up to the new challenges. I am sure I will fulfill the role effectively," he said.
"Of course there are expectations from the community that being the sole Indian representative in the cabinet that I will be vocalising their aspirations and future towards their satisfaction.
"I am completely aware of that need and in this present circumstance, the representation must not only be done, but the results of this representation must be felt by the people...if we were to have an impact on the future political direction of the Indian community."
The wildfire
On what caused the MIC to suffer heavy losses in the general election, the party secretary-general listed several factors.
With time not in their favour, he said, the party had tried in vain to contain the 'wildfire' which engulfed the Indian community.
"There were grievances within the Indian community, we were aware of it. We have represented these grievances and there have been responses from the government. But there was a growing perception in the community of a feeling of unfairness," he explained.
In the past, Subramaniam said, the party was able manage this feeling by explaining the situation to the community as well as "living with it and progressing along with it."
"But the events which occurred in the last few months provoked a section of the community to question everything which was enforced before. When they did that, whatever that we (MIC) have done did not appear sufficient or adequate as far as their subjective assessment went."
After this force was triggered, Subramaniam said, the sentiments were exploited by the opposition for political mileage.
"They amplified it, they spread it...so it became a wildfire like thing and our attempts to contain it by meeting the people and targetted groups...probably met with some success, but I think there was not enough time between the onset of these events and the calling of the elections for us to overcome all this.
"So when we went into the elections, we knew we will lose some seats but not as many as what we lost. We knew probably in Penang and Kedah, we would have problems in those areas because of the ground feeling. But we never thought we would lose all seats in Perak, that came as a shock."
Younger generation
Subramaniam also conceded that MIC lost much support among the younger generation of voters, especially those with access to the alternative media.
"They were exposed to a lot of information that was negative to the ruling government. I think here Barisan Nasional as a whole...we failed to provide alternate information to what was being produced by our opponents.
"So that generation got influenced by one set of information that was available to them. I think a great proportion of that generation would have voted against us," he said, adding that this was also revealed in the party's analysis of the voting trends.
Apart from turning their backs on MIC, he said the younger generation also influenced their elders - who were traditional supporters of the party - to cast their ballots for the opposition.
"For example in my area, children who went back home from KL to vote affected their parents who were strong supporters of us by telling them things to the contrary ... it was a wave," he said, adding that modern technology helped to propel this wave.
Divisive components
To regain lost ground, Subramaniam stated that MIC must look into several factors.
One of them being unifying the community by bringing the various divisive components - such as former deputy president S Subramaniam's faction and the splinter Indian Progressive Front (IPF) groups - back into the fold.
Next, is targeting the younger generation. This, Subramaniam said, requires a complete new set of strategies.
"This will include the usage of the alternative media, fully and effectively. So the younger generation will be exposed to information on whatever we are doing and the aspirations of the party and the community as well as opening the doors to them.
"There was this complaint that MIC never made any attempts to bring in new people," he said. "The party will now work towards becoming more open and attractive."
He assured that nobody will be prevented from playing an active role in the party.
According to Subramaniam, another weakness which requires focus is MIC branches.
"Our party structure is state, division and branch. State is the coordinating body, divisions is where the power base is now. Branches is where the connectivity with the grassroots is.
"We found that at the branch level, we have been weakened. We want to strengthen the branches so that the branches are active and have members who are relevant...to create the connectivity between MIC and the local community," he said.
Temple demolitions
The MIC leader also stressed on the need for the party to resolve issues which he described as being "core to the heart." This includes temple demolitions.
"We have discussed (this issue) and the government is completely aware. We want to regularise this thing so that events of that kind do not come forth again.
"Tamil schools is another emotive issue. The education minister (Hishammuddin Hussein) has given word to us, even prior to the elections, that he will resolve issues pertaining to partially-aided and fully-aided Tamil schools so that Tamil schools will have adequate funding.
"So these are agendas that we will be following very passionately to ensure that these things are resolved to the satisfaction of the community, so that the community will feel that we still are representing its aspirations and feelings," he said.
As for the younger generation, Subramaniam said the party will look into training, employment and their future.
"(In) government service employment, we are already seeing a trend towards a small group of non-Malays. I want to attract more Indian youths to participate in the training programmes which are available here (human resources ministry) so that their skills levels will increase. With this, their employability and income will increase.
"By providing them with adequate training, higher skills and higher employment (opportunities), I feel that the core issues facing the youth can be addressed," he added.
Subramaniam believes that if MIC can resolve the main problems that plague the community as well as help elevate their living standards, the party will be able to gain their trust.
The date is also significant for MIC since it marked the party's worst ever performance in half a century.
A party that was accustomed to the sweetness of victory was suddenly forced to taste the bitterness of defeat in 18 of its 28 seats.
MIC's future and relevance have since come under intense scrutiny.
Its leaders however believe that MIC will rise again. And one such leader is secretary-general Dr S Subramaniam.
The doctor's prognosis is that while the wound is deep, the ailing party can - with the right treatment - be nursed back to health.
Subramaniam is the new Indian representative in the cabinet after nearly three decades. He joins the elite fraternity as the human resources minister after veteran party president and former works minister S Samy Vellu was vanquished in his stronghold.
On his first day in office at the administrative capital of Putrajaya yesterday, Subramaniam spoke to Malaysiakini about his appointment, the status of MIC and its future.
Great expectations
The polls, according to him, not only bore testimony to the political awakening of the Indian community, but also served to jolt MIC and its leaders.
To deny that the recent events had no effect will be nothing short of a fallacy, he said, adding that the party is now changing, re-equipping and re-organising its strategies to face the challenges that lay ahead.
Subramaniam is also well aware of the community's expectations of him as the sole Indian cabinet member, a position which he never - even in his 'wildest dreams' - had expected to land.
"My initial reaction was that it was a responsibility bestowed because of a rather unfortunate situation. I have prepared myself physically and mentally to meet up to the new challenges. I am sure I will fulfill the role effectively," he said.
"Of course there are expectations from the community that being the sole Indian representative in the cabinet that I will be vocalising their aspirations and future towards their satisfaction.
"I am completely aware of that need and in this present circumstance, the representation must not only be done, but the results of this representation must be felt by the people...if we were to have an impact on the future political direction of the Indian community."
The wildfire
On what caused the MIC to suffer heavy losses in the general election, the party secretary-general listed several factors.
With time not in their favour, he said, the party had tried in vain to contain the 'wildfire' which engulfed the Indian community.
"There were grievances within the Indian community, we were aware of it. We have represented these grievances and there have been responses from the government. But there was a growing perception in the community of a feeling of unfairness," he explained.
In the past, Subramaniam said, the party was able manage this feeling by explaining the situation to the community as well as "living with it and progressing along with it."
"But the events which occurred in the last few months provoked a section of the community to question everything which was enforced before. When they did that, whatever that we (MIC) have done did not appear sufficient or adequate as far as their subjective assessment went."
After this force was triggered, Subramaniam said, the sentiments were exploited by the opposition for political mileage.
"They amplified it, they spread it...so it became a wildfire like thing and our attempts to contain it by meeting the people and targetted groups...probably met with some success, but I think there was not enough time between the onset of these events and the calling of the elections for us to overcome all this.
"So when we went into the elections, we knew we will lose some seats but not as many as what we lost. We knew probably in Penang and Kedah, we would have problems in those areas because of the ground feeling. But we never thought we would lose all seats in Perak, that came as a shock."
Younger generation
Subramaniam also conceded that MIC lost much support among the younger generation of voters, especially those with access to the alternative media.
"They were exposed to a lot of information that was negative to the ruling government. I think here Barisan Nasional as a whole...we failed to provide alternate information to what was being produced by our opponents.
"So that generation got influenced by one set of information that was available to them. I think a great proportion of that generation would have voted against us," he said, adding that this was also revealed in the party's analysis of the voting trends.
Apart from turning their backs on MIC, he said the younger generation also influenced their elders - who were traditional supporters of the party - to cast their ballots for the opposition.
"For example in my area, children who went back home from KL to vote affected their parents who were strong supporters of us by telling them things to the contrary ... it was a wave," he said, adding that modern technology helped to propel this wave.
Divisive components
To regain lost ground, Subramaniam stated that MIC must look into several factors.
One of them being unifying the community by bringing the various divisive components - such as former deputy president S Subramaniam's faction and the splinter Indian Progressive Front (IPF) groups - back into the fold.
Next, is targeting the younger generation. This, Subramaniam said, requires a complete new set of strategies.
"This will include the usage of the alternative media, fully and effectively. So the younger generation will be exposed to information on whatever we are doing and the aspirations of the party and the community as well as opening the doors to them.
"There was this complaint that MIC never made any attempts to bring in new people," he said. "The party will now work towards becoming more open and attractive."
He assured that nobody will be prevented from playing an active role in the party.
According to Subramaniam, another weakness which requires focus is MIC branches.
"Our party structure is state, division and branch. State is the coordinating body, divisions is where the power base is now. Branches is where the connectivity with the grassroots is.
"We found that at the branch level, we have been weakened. We want to strengthen the branches so that the branches are active and have members who are relevant...to create the connectivity between MIC and the local community," he said.
Temple demolitions
The MIC leader also stressed on the need for the party to resolve issues which he described as being "core to the heart." This includes temple demolitions.
"We have discussed (this issue) and the government is completely aware. We want to regularise this thing so that events of that kind do not come forth again.
"Tamil schools is another emotive issue. The education minister (Hishammuddin Hussein) has given word to us, even prior to the elections, that he will resolve issues pertaining to partially-aided and fully-aided Tamil schools so that Tamil schools will have adequate funding.
"So these are agendas that we will be following very passionately to ensure that these things are resolved to the satisfaction of the community, so that the community will feel that we still are representing its aspirations and feelings," he said.
As for the younger generation, Subramaniam said the party will look into training, employment and their future.
"(In) government service employment, we are already seeing a trend towards a small group of non-Malays. I want to attract more Indian youths to participate in the training programmes which are available here (human resources ministry) so that their skills levels will increase. With this, their employability and income will increase.
"By providing them with adequate training, higher skills and higher employment (opportunities), I feel that the core issues facing the youth can be addressed," he added.
Subramaniam believes that if MIC can resolve the main problems that plague the community as well as help elevate their living standards, the party will be able to gain their trust.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)